48 research outputs found
A Proof-Theoretic Approach to Scope Ambiguity in Compositional Vector Space Models
We investigate the extent to which compositional vector space models can be
used to account for scope ambiguity in quantified sentences (of the form "Every
man loves some woman"). Such sentences containing two quantifiers introduce two
readings, a direct scope reading and an inverse scope reading. This ambiguity
has been treated in a vector space model using bialgebras by (Hedges and
Sadrzadeh, 2016) and (Sadrzadeh, 2016), though without an explanation of the
mechanism by which the ambiguity arises. We combine a polarised focussed
sequent calculus for the non-associative Lambek calculus NL, as described in
(Moortgat and Moot, 2011), with the vector based approach to quantifier scope
ambiguity. In particular, we establish a procedure for obtaining a vector space
model for quantifier scope ambiguity in a derivational way.Comment: This is a preprint of a paper to appear in: Journal of Language
Modelling, 201
Comparing and evaluating extended Lambek calculi
Lambeks Syntactic Calculus, commonly referred to as the Lambek calculus, was
innovative in many ways, notably as a precursor of linear logic. But it also
showed that we could treat our grammatical framework as a logic (as opposed to
a logical theory). However, though it was successful in giving at least a basic
treatment of many linguistic phenomena, it was also clear that a slightly more
expressive logical calculus was needed for many other cases. Therefore, many
extensions and variants of the Lambek calculus have been proposed, since the
eighties and up until the present day. As a result, there is now a large class
of calculi, each with its own empirical successes and theoretical results, but
also each with its own logical primitives. This raises the question: how do we
compare and evaluate these different logical formalisms? To answer this
question, I present two unifying frameworks for these extended Lambek calculi.
Both are proof net calculi with graph contraction criteria. The first calculus
is a very general system: you specify the structure of your sequents and it
gives you the connectives and contractions which correspond to it. The calculus
can be extended with structural rules, which translate directly into graph
rewrite rules. The second calculus is first-order (multiplicative
intuitionistic) linear logic, which turns out to have several other,
independently proposed extensions of the Lambek calculus as fragments. I will
illustrate the use of each calculus in building bridges between analyses
proposed in different frameworks, in highlighting differences and in helping to
identify problems.Comment: Empirical advances in categorial grammars, Aug 2015, Barcelona,
Spain. 201
Lambek vs. Lambek: Functorial Vector Space Semantics and String Diagrams for Lambek Calculus
The Distributional Compositional Categorical (DisCoCat) model is a
mathematical framework that provides compositional semantics for meanings of
natural language sentences. It consists of a computational procedure for
constructing meanings of sentences, given their grammatical structure in terms
of compositional type-logic, and given the empirically derived meanings of
their words. For the particular case that the meaning of words is modelled
within a distributional vector space model, its experimental predictions,
derived from real large scale data, have outperformed other empirically
validated methods that could build vectors for a full sentence. This success
can be attributed to a conceptually motivated mathematical underpinning, by
integrating qualitative compositional type-logic and quantitative modelling of
meaning within a category-theoretic mathematical framework.
The type-logic used in the DisCoCat model is Lambek's pregroup grammar.
Pregroup types form a posetal compact closed category, which can be passed, in
a functorial manner, on to the compact closed structure of vector spaces,
linear maps and tensor product. The diagrammatic versions of the equational
reasoning in compact closed categories can be interpreted as the flow of word
meanings within sentences. Pregroups simplify Lambek's previous type-logic, the
Lambek calculus, which has been extensively used to formalise and reason about
various linguistic phenomena. The apparent reliance of the DisCoCat on
pregroups has been seen as a shortcoming. This paper addresses this concern, by
pointing out that one may as well realise a functorial passage from the
original type-logic of Lambek, a monoidal bi-closed category, to vector spaces,
or to any other model of meaning organised within a monoidal bi-closed
category. The corresponding string diagram calculus, due to Baez and Stay, now
depicts the flow of word meanings.Comment: 29 pages, pending publication in Annals of Pure and Applied Logi
Algebraic proof theory for LE-logics
In this paper we extend the research programme in algebraic proof theory from
axiomatic extensions of the full Lambek calculus to logics algebraically
captured by certain varieties of normal lattice expansions (normal LE-logics).
Specifically, we generalise the residuated frames in [16] to arbitrary
signatures of normal lattice expansions (LE). Such a generalization provides a
valuable tool for proving important properties of LE-logics in full uniformity.
We prove semantic cut elimination for the display calculi D.LE associated with
the basic normal LE-logics and their axiomatic extensions with analytic
inductive axioms. We also prove the finite model property (FMP) for each such
calculus D.LE, as well as for its extensions with analytic structural rules
satisfying certain additional properties
An alternative Gospel of structure: order, composition, processes
We survey some basic mathematical structures, which arguably are more
primitive than the structures taught at school. These structures are orders,
with or without composition, and (symmetric) monoidal categories. We list
several `real life' incarnations of each of these. This paper also serves as an
introduction to these structures and their current and potentially future uses
in linguistics, physics and knowledge representation.Comment: Introductory chapter to C. Heunen, M. Sadrzadeh, and E. Grefenstette.
Quantum Physics and Linguistics: A Compositional, Diagrammatic Discourse.
Oxford University Press, 201