Nuclear weapons: the state of play

"The present report ... describes in detail the progress - or lack of it - on the commitments and recommendations of the 2010 NPT Review Conference, the 2010 and 2012 NSS, and the rather more ambitious ICNND, as at December 2012. Its publication in early 2013 is timed to assist the deliberation of the NPT PrepCom process, and it will be followed by a further updated volume in 2015, prior to that year's NPT Review Conference. While there are some other "report card" publications in existence, or in preparation, aimed at tracking particular sets of recommendations or the performance of particular groups of states, we believe that the present volume is the most comprehensive of its kind." - page xCopyright Information: "This publication may be reproduced in full or in part if accompanied with the following citation:Ramesh Thakur and Gareth Evans, eds., Nuclear Weapons:The State of Play (Canberra: Centre for Nuclear Non-Proliferation and Disar

Philanthropic Investments in the Emerging Field of Women, Peace and Security

Analyzes trends in grantmaking for efforts to enhance women's contribution to peace processes, prevent violence against women during and after conflict, and build a culture of peace. Calls for increased funding, clearer definition, and empirical research

Letter proposing participatory research for the "African Peace Tour"

Letter from Ann Seidman proposing a method for student-faculty participatory research about what happens in Africa in order to win support for African liberation, and provide matericals for the African Peace Tour.

The Democratic Peace Unraveled: It’s the Economy

Recent research indicates that the democratic peace—the observation that democratic nations rarely fight each other—is spurious: that advanced capitalism accounts for both democracy and the democratic peace (Mousseau 2009). This is not a trivial prospect: if economic conditions explain the democratic peace, then a great deal of research on governing institutions and foreign policy is probably obsolete. This study addresses all the recent defenses of the democratic peace and reports new results using a new measure that directly gauges the causal mechanism of contract flows dependent on third-party enforcement. Analyses of most nations from 1961 to 2001 show contract-intensive "impersonal" economy to be the second most powerful variable in international conflict—following only contiguity—and, once considered, there is no evidence of causation from democracy to peace. It is impersonal economy, not democracy or unfettered markets, which appears to explain the democratic peace..

Perceptions of Peace and Reconciliation: Case of Lokokwo Peyot Women’s Group in Paidwe Parish, Bobi Sub-County

This research project explores perceptions of peace and reconciliation among female members of the Lokokwo Peyot Women’s Group in Paidwe Parish, Bobi Sub-County, Gulu District. It aims to understand how women define the concepts of peace and reconciliation and how women currently perceive peace and reconciliation within their community. It also attempts to further understand these perceptions through examining the women’s past experiences and current challenges. The project displays the impact of women’s involvement in peacebuilding and conflict mediation in a region that is desperately trying to recover from decades of destruction and violence. Research was carried out at two separate but related locations in Gulu District: the home of the Lokokwo Peyot group’s Chairperson in Paidwe Parish within Bobi Sub-County, and the main office of Gulu Women’s Economic Development and Globalization (GWED-G) in Gulu Municipality. Eleven individual interviews and two group discussions form the foundation of this project. The focus on the Lokokwo Peyot Women’s Group was made possible through the assistance and cooperation of GWED-G staff members, and the interested group members who so generously donated their time and experiences. This study discovered that women in the Lokokwo Peyot group have witnessed significant changes personally and locally since the group’s founding in 2009, and they feel that an environment of relative peace has developed in the community. Although traditionally women do not speak publicly or actively participate in community meetings, the women’s involvement in the group challenges such cultural norms and allows them to feel empowered and respected. By promoting a peaceful environment from within their individual homes and villages, group members have succeeded in decreasing the level of conflict and violence present

'Hollow promises?' Critical materialism and the contradictions of the Democratic Peace

© Cambridge University PressThe Democratic Peace research programme explicitly and implicitly presents its claims in terms of their potential to underpin a universal world peace. Yet whilst the Democratic Peace appears robust in its geographical heartlands it appears weaker at the edges of the democratic world, where the spread of democracy and the depth of democratic political development is often limited and where historically many of the purported exceptions to the Democratic Peace are found. Whereas Democratic Peace scholarship has tended to overlook or downplay these phenomena, from a critical materialist perspective they are indicative of a fundamental contradiction within the Democratic Peace whereby its universalistic aspirations are thwarted by its material grounding in a hierarchical capitalist world economy. This, in turn, raises the question of whether liberal arguments for a universal Democratic Peace are in fact hollow promises. The article explores these concerns and argues that those interested in democracy and peace should pay more attention to the critical materialist tradition, which in the discussion below is represented principally by the world-system approach

Partial peace rebel groups inside and outside civil war settlements

Previous research proposes that peace is more likely to become durable if all rebel groups are included in the settlement reached. The argument implies that if actors are excluded and continue to pursue the military course, this could have a destabilizing effect on the actors that have signed an agreement. This article argues that all-inclusive peace deals - signed by the government and all rebel groups - are not the panacea for peace that many seem to believe. Given that the parties are strategic actors who are forward-looking when making their decisions, the signatories should anticipate that the excluded parties may continue to fight. Therefore, the risk of violent challenges from outside actors is likely to already be factored into the decision-making calculus when the signatories decide to reach a deal, and so does not affect their commitment to peace. Implications from this theoretical argument are tested using unique data on the conflict behavior of the government and each of the rebel groups in internal armed conflicts during the post-Cold War period. The results are well in line with the theoretical expectations and show that whether an agreement leaves out some actor does not affect whether the signatories stick to peace. The results demonstrate that even when excluded rebel groups engage in conflict, this does not affect the signatories'commitment to peace. Hence, the findings suggest that partial peace is possible.Post Conflict Reconstruction,Post Conflict Reintegration,Peace&Peacekeeping,International Affairs,Social Conflict and Violence

Kenya Quaker Secondary School Peace Curriculum Pilot Project: Examining the Role of the Principal in the Successes and Challenges of the Implementation

This qualitative study examined the implementation of a peace curriculum for Kenyan Quaker secondary schools. Fourteen schools were selected for this study 1 year after school leaders attended specific training sessions. On site visits were made to 12 of the 14 schools selected for this study, and interviews conducted with the remaining principals. Schools were ranked on their level of implementation at low, medium, or high. Results indicated that 12 of the 14 schools implemented the curriculum at a medium or high level. Additional findings note the leadership of the principal was key in the overall peace curriculum implementation and addresses successes and challenges of implementing a new initiative in these schools. The development of the Curriculum for Peace and Conflict Management for the Quaker secondary schools in Kenya was a response to the effects of the 2007–2008 post-election violence. In the aftermath of the violence, more than 1,000 were killed and thousands of others displaced from their homes. Many people experienced neighbors turning violent on neighbors, even though living side by side for many years. The Quakers, also known as Friends, have been historically known for promoting peace and conflict resolution around the world. However, once the violence settled and order was restored within the country, these Kenyan Quakers realized they were ill-equipped to address the impact of the violence and create a culture of peace within their schools and communities. The first edition of the Curriculum for Peace and Conflict Management was a collaborative effort between George Fox University, a Quaker institution in the United States, and the Kenyan Quaker secondary schools leadership group. Completed in 2011, this curriculum for ninth and tenth graders contains 43 lessons comprised of eight major themes addressing specific Kenyan cultural needs involving peace in society. Those themes are: 1) Who am I? 2) Peace; 3) Virtues that promote peace; 4) Conflict and conflict management; 5) Life skills; 6) Human rights and responsibilities; 7) Peace and health; and 8) Peace and the environment. The primary concepts of the curriculum begin with the theme of Who Am I?, then develop into the themes of valuing one another; diversity as a strength; and the uniqueness and contributions of each individual to school and society. All together, the first edition consists of a Teachers’ Guide, Resource Guide, and Syllabus. An article describing the development of this project was first published in the 2012 Journal of Research on Christian Education, Volume 21, Issue 1