20 research outputs found

    THE THIRD WORLD WOMEN’S ALLIANCE: HISTORY, GEOPOLITICS, AND FORM

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    This dissertation focuses on the work of the Third World Women’s Alliance (TWWA), a women-of-color-led activist organization that maintained active chapters in New York City and the Bay Area between 1971-80. Drawing on archival research and qualitative interviews, I reconstruct how the group invoked, constructed, and circulated intersecting Third World histories and geopolitical analyses through political education, publications, and cultural events. In addition to this historical study, I seek to understand the ongoing presence of the TWWA in educational spaces through interviews with archivists and professors across disciplines. This project makes three contributions to the field of Rhetoric and Composition: 1) offering a genealogy of the rhetoric and writing from the era that Cynthia Young refers to as the U.S. Third World Left; 2) demonstrating how the TWWA’s work--and U.S. Third World rhetoric and writing more broadly--blurs scales that are often treated as discrete in Rhetoric and Composition (embodied, local, and transnational); and 3) situating the study of archival research and writing assignments across disciplines as a method of tracing the ongoing impact of social activist histories. The Introduction, “U.S. Third World Histories of Rhetoric and Writing,” demonstrates the significance of the TWWA’s “U.S. Third World” framework for scholarship in rhetorical historiography, geopolitics, and multimodal/multigenre composition. In order to put past and present into concrete conversation, the Introduction establishes the research questions that guide this larger project: How did the TWWA invoke and circulate histories and geopolitical analyses in order to build a “U.S. Third World” alliance? What methods, modes, and genres did they use to do so? How and why is the TWWA’s history--via its archives--invoked and circulated today by teachers scholars, and archivists? How does the TWWA—and rhetorical genealogies of the U.S. Third World Left more broadly—reshape/extend disciplinary theories and methodologies of history, geopolitics, form, and writing across contexts/disciplines? Chapter 1, “‘In the Belly of the Monster’: Setting a U.S. Third World Scene,” historicizes the TWWA’s formation in relation to the civil rights/Black power movements, women’s liberation movements, and global Third World anti-colonial struggles. Drawing on the TWWA archives, as well as theoretical work in Third World, U.S. Third World, and transnational feminisms, I contextualize the TWWA’s multiple methods of teaching histories and geopolitical analyses within U.S. Third World cultural, political, and intellectual genealogies. Chapter 2, “Building Lifelong Activists: Political Education and Publications” draws on the TWWA archives, including the group’s internal education curriculum and newspaper Triple Jeopardy: Racism Imperialism Sexism, in order to demonstrate how the group taught the interlinked histories of women of color, and put struggles for women’s liberation within and outside the U.S. into conversation. Read together, the group’s political education and publications demonstrate the rhetorical construction of what Rhetoric and Composition might refer to as a U.S. Third World scene both within and outside the organization. Chapter 3, “Theorizing Culture: The TWWA’s Cultural Committee” turns to the group’s “cultural work,” which TWWA members defined as “arts, methods, techniques, and expressions.” Drawing on the archived meeting minutes of the TWWA Cultural Committee, this chapter surfaces the behind-the-scenes organizational labor of developing a theory of culture, with particular attention to the intellectual, political, and artistic genealogies of three organizations that the Cultural Committee interviewed as part of its work. This chapter demonstrates the role of multiple modes and genres--including theatre, songs, and visual displays--in communicating intersecting histories and geopolitical analyses in a U.S. Third World context. Chapter 4, “’Freedom We Know is Possible’: The TWWA’s Cultural Events,” looks at how the TWWA’s theory of culture was put into practice through events commemorating International Women’s Day. Drawing on qualitative interviews, as well as archived event programs, scripts, songs, and committee evaluations, this chapter focuses on the TWWA’s use of multiple modes and genres in spaces of cultural performance. I argue that multimodal/multigenre performances have particular affordances for linking multiple histories and geopolitical locations into a U.S. Third World political identification. Turning from the TWWA’s time to the present day, Chapter 5, “Curating, Remediating, and Teaching U.S. Third World Histories: The TWWA Archives,” traces the ongoing influence of the organization via a study of the construction and use of the group’s archives. Drawing on qualitative interviews with archivists and professors across disciplines, I trace the curation, institutionalization, and pedagogical use of the TWWA archives to teach history, women’s and gender studies, and archival studies through critical research and writing assignments. This chapter situates the study of archival pedagogy as a method for tracing the ongoing impact of social activist histories across academic disciplines. The Conclusion summarizes the central contributions of this dissertation to Rhetoric and Composition, and opens up directions for future work

    „al-Qāʿida al-Ṣulba“. „Die solide Basis“ des islamischen Staates (1953-2003), Band 1: 1953-1988

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    Nach dem 11. September 2001 war der Name der für die Anschläge verantwortlichen Organisation in aller Munde: al-Qāʿida. Der Eingang des Namens in den Sprachgebrauch konnte jedoch für die Experten der Geheimdienste in aller Welt ein Problem nicht überdecken: Was bedeutete der Name der Organisation? Dass sich hinter der formalen Begriffsoberfläche, die sich sicherlich einfach mit „Basis“ übersetzen lässt, eine tiefere Bedeutung steckte, konnten die Experten den 2002 veröffentlichten Erinnerungen ʻAbdullāh Anas´ entnehmen. Anas befand sich in den 80er Jahren in der unmittelbaren Umgebung der sich konstituierenden Organisation al-Qāʿida in Peshawar und Miranshah (Pakistan). Er betonte, wie „überrascht [er] vom Namen ´al-Qāʿida´“ gewesen war, als er das erste Mal von ihm hörte. Dabei ging es ihm nicht nur um die formale Ebene, sondern auch um die inhaltliche Tiefe dieser Begrifflichkeit, denn schließlich beinhaltet, wie der bekannte Geldgeber der Organisation al-Qāʿidas, Usāma bin Lādin, in Bezug auf den Namen seiner Organisation betonte, „der Name einer Sache […] seine Botschaft und repräsentiert es“. Der Grund für diese Überraschung lässt sich erahnen, wenn man sich die Schriften des Mentors von Anas und zugleich sein Schwiegervater, ʿAbdallāh ʿAzzām, vergegenwärtigt. In einem Artikel für seine eigene Zeitschrift „AL-JIHAD“, die in den 80er Jahren in Peshawar erschien, forderte ʿAzzām, die arabischen Kämpfer gegen die Sowjets in Afghanistan und Pakistan benötigten zunächst eine „solide Basis“ (arab. „al-qāʿida al-ṣulba“), auf der sich dann ein „islamischer Staat“ errichten ließe. ʿAbdallāh ʿAzzām war nun im Peshawar der 80er Jahre kein Unbekannter, sondern er galt nicht nur als „Vater des arabischen Kampfes“ gegen die Sowjetunion in Afghanistan, sondern nach 9/11 auch als „geistiger Vater al-Qāʿidas“. Ausgangspunkt unserer Untersuchung bildet die Frage, ob diese Begriffskomposition („al-qāʿida al-ṣulba“) tatsächlich von ʿAbdallāh ʿAzzām mehr oder weniger „erfunden“ wurde, um kurze Zeit darauf von seinem Schüler und vermeintlichen Erben Usāma bin Lādin in Form der Organisation al-Qāʿida umgesetzt zu werden. Die Argumentation, die „solide Basis“ bilde eine Art ideologischer Blaupause für die Organisation bin Lādins, hängt zentral von der zeitlichen Nähe zwischen dem erstmaligen Erscheinen der Begriffskomposition im Zeitschriftenartikel ʿAzzāms (angeblich im April 1988) und der vermeintlichen Gründung der Organisation al-Qāʿida im August 1988 ab. Rücken die formale Erfindung der Begriffskomposition und die Gründung der Organisation zeitlich weiter auseinander, steht die These einer „geistigen Vaterschaft“ ʿAzzāms und seiner angeblichen „Erfindung“ auf dem Spiel. Die Vermutung, auf ältere Belege der „soliden Basis“ nicht nur bei ʿAzzām zu treffen, ergibt sich aus einem Hinweis Thomas Hegghammers. In einer wegweisenden biographischen Skizze zu ʿAbdallāh ʿAzzām hielt er fest, dass die Begriffskomposition wohl schon von einigen islamisch orientierten Denkern vor ʿAzzām verwendet wurde. Hegghammer blieb leider eine genaue Ausführung zu dieser Vermutung schuldig. Zudem rettete er die „geistige Vaterschaft“ ʿAzzāms mit dem Hinweis, auch wenn die Begrifflichkeit schon vorher eine gewisse Verwendung fand, definierte jedoch ʿAzzām in dem erwähnten Zeitschriftenartikel von 1988 die zentralen semantischen Richtlinien für die Begrifflichkeit, die auf die Organisation al-Qāʿida vorauswiesen. Gegen Hegghammers These einer zentralen Bedeutung von ʿAzzāms Definition der Begrifflichkeit im Jahr 1988 spricht ein Hinweis Abū Muṣʿab al-Sūrīs, dem großen „Theoretiker des Ǧihād“. In seiner opulenten Schrift, „(Auf-)Ruf des globalen Islamischen Widerstandes“, sah er die „solide Basis“ als den zentralen Kern einer der vier Schulen des „islamischen Erwachens“ in der zweiten Hälfte des 20. Jahrhunderts an. Leider führte auch Abū Muṣʿab al-Sūrī den Hinweis nur relativ knapp aus. Mit dieser Andeutung haben wir jedoch einen Beleg dafür, erstens, dass es sich lohnt, den Begriff zu untersuchen, zweitens, dass sich ʿAzzām im Kontext einer „Schule“ bewegte und drittens, dass der Begriff an sich innerhalb dieser „Schule“ eine große Rolle spielte. Die von Hegghammer und Abū Muṣʿab al-Sūrī offen gelassene Ausführung zur „soliden Basis“ wollen wir in dieser Arbeit nachholen. Zentrale These der Arbeit ist es, nicht die Begrifflichkeit der „soliden Basis“ bildete die Grundlage für die Gründung der Organisation al-Qāʿida, vielmehr grenzten sich das Dioskurenpaar Abū Ḥafṣ und vor allem Abū ʿUbaida (in den 90er Jahren die Nummern zwei und drei innerhalb der Organisation al-Qāʿida) mit ihrem Projekt einer „militärischen Basis“ (arab. „al-qāʿida al-ʿaskarīya“) machtpolitisch und ideologisch von ʿAzzām und dessen „solider Basis“ ab

    EVOLUTION OF US-JAPAN SECURITY ALLIANCE(1991-2001)

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    У монографії досліджується розвиток американсько-японського союзу безпеки в постбіполярний період (1991—2001 роки). На основі використання широкого кола джерел проаналізовано політику в галузі безпеки США та Японії в АТР, зміни в їх підходах до американсько-японського союзу безпеки протягом 1990-х років. Показано вплив американсько-японських суперечностей в торговельній сфері на розвиток американсько-японського співробітництва у військово-політичній сфері на початку 1990-х років. Досліджено вплив загострення геополітичної ситуації в Східній Азії в середині 1990-х років на подолання двосторонніх суперечностей та визначили розвиток союзу безпеки в постбіполярну добу. Визначено спільні та відмінні риси в проведенні японського напряму зовнішньої політики адміністраціями Дж. Буша та У. Клінтона. Проаналізовано передумови, що визначили вибір Японії на користь збереження союзу безпеки зі США та внесення змін до оборонного законодавства.В монографии исследуется развитие американо-японского союза безопасности в постбиполярный период (1991—2001 годы). На основе широкого использования официальных и неофициальных источников, совершено комплексное исследование политики США и Японии в области безопасности в АТР, изменения в их подходах к американо-японскому союзу в течении 1990-х годов. Исследованы особенности восточноазиатской политики Соединенных Штатов в 1990-х годов, расширение места и роли Восточной Азии во внешнеполитической деятельности США и последующие решение США на развитие американо-японского союза безопасности в середине 1990-х годов. Показано влияние обострения геополитической ситуации в Восточной Азии на преодоление американо-японских противоречий в середине 1990-х годов. Проанализированы факторы, которые влияли на изменение внешней политики и политики в области безопасности Японии в 1991—2001 годах, и решения Японии на расширение собственной обороноспособности и укрепления военно-политического сотрудничества с США.The monography examines the development of US-Japan security alliance in the post-Cold War period (1991—2001). Based on the extensive use of official and unofficial sources, done a comprehensive study of the U.S. and Japan security policy in Asia-Pacific region, the changes in their approaches to the US-Japan security alliance during the 1990s. The features of East Asian policy of the United States in the 1990s, the expansion of the place and role of East Asia in the foreign policy of the United States and subsequent U.S. decision to develop the US-Japan security alliance in the mid-1990s. The influence of deterioration of the geopolitical situation in East Asia to overcome the US-Japanese tensions in the mid-1990s. The factors that influenced the change in foreign policy and security policy of Japan in the years 1991—2001, and Japan's decision to expand and strengthen its defense cooperation with the United States

    Changing Professionals: Professionals’ Role in the Institutional Dynamics of German Health Care

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    With an empirical focus on the health care sector, this dissertation addresses the questions on when, how and why professionals influence institutional change and stability. Specifically, this dissertation focuses on the institutional work efforts of different groups of health care professionals, namely physicians and nurses, within German health care. Given the significant regulatory dynamics that German health care experienced during the last decades, this setting provides a particularly favorable background for the study on when, why, and how professionals seek to create, maintain and disrupt institutions. Elaborating on how professionals interact with the different contexts in which they are embedded, this thesis aims to provide a holistic picture of professionals’ engagement in institutional dynamics. In particular, this thesis contributes to the growing literature on the micro-processes of professionals’ institutional work within the diverse contexts in which these actors operate

    TANGGUNGJAWAB PENGAJARAN ANATOMI TERHADAP PENDIDIKAN DOKTER

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    Anatomi merupakan salah satu cabang ilmu pengetahuan yang mempelajari tentang struktur tubuh manusia (Human Anatomy). Sebetulnya Anatomi bukan merupakan bahasa Indonesia asli, melainkan berasal dari Greek, anatome, yang dibentuk dari kata ana artinya ke atas dan tome, artinya memotong, yang mempunyai arti sama dengan bahasa Latin, dissection, dibentuk dari kata dis, artinya berkeping-keping dan secare, artinya memotong, yang keduanya kemudian saling di sepadankan; dari sinilah asal kata Anatomi itu. Ilmu Anatomi pada mulanya (dianggap) berasal dari orang-orang Mesir kuno, oleh karena melalui pengawetan mayat yang dilakukannya dengan cara membalsem, mereka telah mengenal anatomi; dari sini setidak-tidak mereka telah mengetahui tentang susunan tubuh manusia. Tetapi, sebagai ilmu pengetahuan, anatomi baru dikenal kira-kira empat atau lima abad sebelum Masehi

    THE CLASSICAL ASSOCIATION OF SOUTH AFRICA: FEBRUARY 1979 – JANUARY 1981

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    This instalment rounds off the history of the Classical Association of South Africa for the first twenty-five years

    Political Leadership and Foreign Policy in Post-Cold War Israel and Turkey

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    Frequent references to "hawkish" and "dovish" leaders in Israel, or Turkey's "secular" and "Islamist" leaders, lack a systematic analysis of the personalities of political leadership in Israel and Turkey. Notwithstanding, such portrayals attract not only domestic actors in these countries but also others across the globe. Scholars, pundits, the public, as well as the policymakers, easily adapt these dichotomous and simplistic perceptions of leadership in Israel and Turkey. Utilizing contemporary at-a-distance measures of personality assessment (specifically, leadership traits analysis and operational code analysis), this study draws profiles all of Israel's and Turkey's prime ministers since November 1991. As such, this dissertation expands the political leadership literatures to two strategically located countries in the Middle East. In its unique design with two methods of personality assessment, it illustrates the gains from such an approach. Then, this study also makes an effort to link leadership styles and belief systems with foreign policy behavior. The results cast doubt on simplistic appraisals of political leadership in terms of "hawkish" and "dovish" in Israel and "secular" and "Islamist" in Turkey. Furthermore, the findings here suggest the significance of distrust of others (a personality trait in Leadership Traits Analysis) in predicting conflictual foreign policy behavior. In much broader terms, this dissertation also contributes to understanding political leaders of the Middle East

    Thai government reform : The case of the integrated provincial administrative system

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    Includes bibliographical references ([229]-246).This dissertation examines government reform in Thailand during the administration of Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra (2001-2006), one of the largest reform programs in the history of the Thai administrative system. Through a case study methodology, this study observed the implementation of the Integrated Provincial Administrative System (IPAS), which represents the complex reform scheme initiated in 2003. While this study employs documentary research on the development of Thai politics and public administration in the period before the Thaksin administration, the investigator used qualitative interviews to analyze the IPAS implementation and process. The informants included provincial governors, deputy governors, provincial administrators, and local officers in three provinces during the period between November 2004 and March 2005. This dissertation presents the change and continuity of the political and socioeconomic systems in Thailand that led to and shaped the administrative reform of Thaksin. It addresses the subject matter of Thai administrative reforms from two perspectives. First, the institutional and historical contexts of the reforms with regard to the patterns of Thai governments and international organizations provide a large picture of the transformation of the Thai administration system. Second, the study focuses on the m anagem ent and tactical aspects of T haksin’s adm inistrative reform to answer questions about choices of reforms, the interaction of reforming sub-governments, and potential impacts generated by the changes. With an unprecedented large electoral mandate in 2001, the Thaksin government of the Thai Rak Thai Party had established a stable administration that made possible an overhaul of Thai administrative process and decisive policy choices. Th e changes have two major implications: a rhetorical application of New Public Management methods to public administration and a recentralization effort under the control of the Prime Minister. These changes shift Thai bureaucracy from a predominantly hierarchical structure dominated by the technocrats to untenable business-like administrative practices and strengthen the power of central government. The findings demonstrate that the management preoccupation of reform tactics not only contradicted an alleged reform goal concerning administrative power devolution and reversed an established decentralization policy for local government, but also politicized groups of senior bureaucrats.Ph.D. (Doctor of Philosophy
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