Partially Commutative Linear Logic and Lambek Caculus with Product: Natural Deduction, Normalisation, Subformula Property

International audienceThis article defines and studies a natural deduction system for partially commutative intuitionistic multiplicative linear logic, that is a combination of intuitionistic commutative linear logic with the Lambek calculus, which is non- commutative, and was first introduced as a sequent calculus by de Groote. In this logic, the hypotheses are endowed with a series-parallel partial order: the parallel composition corresponds to the commutative product, while the series composition corresponds to the noncommutative product. The relation between the two products is that a rule, called entropy, allows us to replace a series-parallel order with a sub series-parallel order -- this rule (already studied by Retoré) strictly extends the entropy rule initially introduced by de Groote. A particular subsystem emerges when hypotheses are totally ordered: this is Lambek calculus with product, and when orders are empty it is is multiplicative linear logic. So far only the sequent calculus and cut-elimination have been properly studied. In this article, we define natural deduction with product elimination rules as Abramsky proposed long ago. We then give a brief illustration of its application to computational linguistics and prove normalisation, firstly for the Lambek calculus with product and then for the full partially ordered calcu- lus. We show that normal proofs enjoy the subformula property, thus yielding another proof of decidability of these calculi. This logic was shown to be useful for modelling the truly concurrent exe- cution of Petri nets and for minimalist grammars in computational linguistics. Regarding this latter application, natural deduction and the Curry-Howard iso- morphism is extremely useful since it leads to the semantic representation of analysed sentences

Dialectica Categories for the Lambek Calculus

We revisit the old work of de Paiva on the models of the Lambek Calculus in dialectica models making sure that the syntactic details that were sketchy on the first version got completed and verified. We extend the Lambek Calculus with a \kappa modality, inspired by Yetter's work, which makes the calculus commutative. Then we add the of-course modality !, as Girard did, to re-introduce weakening and contraction for all formulas and get back the full power of intuitionistic and classical logic. We also present the categorical semantics, proved sound and complete. Finally we show the traditional properties of type systems, like subject reduction, the Church-Rosser theorem and normalization for the calculi of extended modalities, which we did not have before

A Corpus-based Toy Model for DisCoCat

The categorical compositional distributional (DisCoCat) model of meaning rigorously connects distributional semantics and pregroup grammars, and has found a variety of applications in computational linguistics. From a more abstract standpoint, the DisCoCat paradigm predicates the construction of a mapping from syntax to categorical semantics. In this work we present a concrete construction of one such mapping, from a toy model of syntax for corpora annotated with constituent structure trees, to categorical semantics taking place in a category of free R-semimodules over an involutive commutative semiring R.Comment: In Proceedings SLPCS 2016, arXiv:1608.0101

A Context-theoretic Framework for Compositionality in Distributional Semantics

Techniques in which words are represented as vectors have proved useful in many applications in computational linguistics, however there is currently no general semantic formalism for representing meaning in terms of vectors. We present a framework for natural language semantics in which words, phrases and sentences are all represented as vectors, based on a theoretical analysis which assumes that meaning is determined by context. In the theoretical analysis, we define a corpus model as a mathematical abstraction of a text corpus. The meaning of a string of words is assumed to be a vector representing the contexts in which it occurs in the corpus model. Based on this assumption, we can show that the vector representations of words can be considered as elements of an algebra over a field. We note that in applications of vector spaces to representing meanings of words there is an underlying lattice structure; we interpret the partial ordering of the lattice as describing entailment between meanings. We also define the context-theoretic probability of a string, and, based on this and the lattice structure, a degree of entailment between strings. We relate the framework to existing methods of composing vector-based representations of meaning, and show that our approach generalises many of these, including vector addition, component-wise multiplication, and the tensor product.Comment: Submitted to Computational Linguistics on 20th January 2010 for revie

Mathematical Foundations for a Compositional Distributional Model of Meaning

We propose a mathematical framework for a unification of the distributional theory of meaning in terms of vector space models, and a compositional theory for grammatical types, for which we rely on the algebra of Pregroups, introduced by Lambek. This mathematical framework enables us to compute the meaning of a well-typed sentence from the meanings of its constituents. Concretely, the type reductions of Pregroups are `lifted' to morphisms in a category, a procedure that transforms meanings of constituents into a meaning of the (well-typed) whole. Importantly, meanings of whole sentences live in a single space, independent of the grammatical structure of the sentence. Hence the inner-product can be used to compare meanings of arbitrary sentences, as it is for comparing the meanings of words in the distributional model. The mathematical structure we employ admits a purely diagrammatic calculus which exposes how the information flows between the words in a sentence in order to make up the meaning of the whole sentence. A variation of our `categorical model' which involves constraining the scalars of the vector spaces to the semiring of Booleans results in a Montague-style Boolean-valued semantics.Comment: to appea

Lambek vs. Lambek: Functorial Vector Space Semantics and String Diagrams for Lambek Calculus

The Distributional Compositional Categorical (DisCoCat) model is a mathematical framework that provides compositional semantics for meanings of natural language sentences. It consists of a computational procedure for constructing meanings of sentences, given their grammatical structure in terms of compositional type-logic, and given the empirically derived meanings of their words. For the particular case that the meaning of words is modelled within a distributional vector space model, its experimental predictions, derived from real large scale data, have outperformed other empirically validated methods that could build vectors for a full sentence. This success can be attributed to a conceptually motivated mathematical underpinning, by integrating qualitative compositional type-logic and quantitative modelling of meaning within a category-theoretic mathematical framework. The type-logic used in the DisCoCat model is Lambek's pregroup grammar. Pregroup types form a posetal compact closed category, which can be passed, in a functorial manner, on to the compact closed structure of vector spaces, linear maps and tensor product. The diagrammatic versions of the equational reasoning in compact closed categories can be interpreted as the flow of word meanings within sentences. Pregroups simplify Lambek's previous type-logic, the Lambek calculus, which has been extensively used to formalise and reason about various linguistic phenomena. The apparent reliance of the DisCoCat on pregroups has been seen as a shortcoming. This paper addresses this concern, by pointing out that one may as well realise a functorial passage from the original type-logic of Lambek, a monoidal bi-closed category, to vector spaces, or to any other model of meaning organised within a monoidal bi-closed category. The corresponding string diagram calculus, due to Baez and Stay, now depicts the flow of word meanings.Comment: 29 pages, pending publication in Annals of Pure and Applied Logi

Types and forgetfulness in categorical linguistics and quantum mechanics

The role of types in categorical models of meaning is investigated. A general scheme for how typed models of meaning may be used to compare sentences, regardless of their grammatical structure is described, and a toy example is used as an illustration. Taking as a starting point the question of whether the evaluation of such a type system 'loses information', we consider the parametrized typing associated with connectives from this viewpoint. The answer to this question implies that, within full categorical models of meaning, the objects associated with types must exhibit a simple but subtle categorical property known as self-similarity. We investigate the category theory behind this, with explicit reference to typed systems, and their monoidal closed structure. We then demonstrate close connections between such self-similar structures and dagger Frobenius algebras. In particular, we demonstrate that the categorical structures implied by the polymorphically typed connectives give rise to a (lax unitless) form of the special forms of Frobenius algebras known as classical structures, used heavily in abstract categorical approaches to quantum mechanics.Comment: 37 pages, 4 figure