Psychoanalysis, Nazism and "Jewish science"

In this paper the author offers a partial examination of the troubled history of psychoanalysis in Germany during the Nazi period. Of particular interest is the impact on psychoanalysis of its 'Jewish origins'--something denigrated by the Nazis but reclaimed by more recent Jewish and other scholars. The author traces the rapid decline of the pre-Nazi psychoanalytic institutions under the sway of a policy of appeasement and collaboration, paying particular attention to the continuation of some forms of psychoanalytic practice within the 'Göring Institute'. He suggests that a feature of this history was the anti-Semitism evidenced by some non-Jewish psychoanalysts, which revealed an antagonism towards their own positioning as followers of the 'Jewish science'

Menorah Review (No. 80, Winter.Spring, 2014)

Author\u27s Reflections on Politics in the Bible -- Books in Brief: New and Notable -- Masada -- Nazism and Politics -- night trains -- Salvation Through Transgression -- Shoah: The First Day -- The Jewish World of Herbert Hoove

Writing Dirty: Paradoxical Embodiments of Nazism in Bataille\u27s Le Bleu du Ciel

Since his death in 1962, and particularly in the last twenty-five years, Georges Bataille has become a major figure in intellectual circles. Critics such as Roland Barthes, Jacques Derrida, Michel Foucault, Julia Kristeva and Philippe Sollers, to name but a few, have all contributed to bringing Bataille\u27s work to the foreground. Regarded as a significant influence on contemporary thought, Bataille is considered a precursor of post-modernism. Yet, while he has received increasing attention, this attention has converged primarily on his essays and philosophical works. As Susann Cockal notes, specific and detailed readings of many aspects of [his] fiction are still wanting

Know your Schmitt: a godfather of truth and the spectre of Nazism

In a recent article in the Review of International Studies Hans-Karl Pichler argues that Hans Morgenthau's intellectual universe was saturated by 'typically European philosophical problems' which he transferred to an American political context. He shows this by looking at how Morgenthau tried to overcome the value determinacy of social science, as pointed out by Weber, by grounding his political realist theory in a Schmittean understanding of the political, which defines war–the friend/enemy distinction–as the essence of the political and founds it anthropologically in the evil, dangerous nature of human beings.2 I have a problem with the article because Schmitt emerges as just a serious political theorist, which he indeed was. But he was also more than an important political theorist. He was a member of the Nazi party between 1933 and 1936 explicitly providing legal justifications for the Nazi regime and its policies, thus becoming for some the Kronjurist of the Nazis. In that period also anti-Semitic references started appearing in his work. Since then his name and work have carried the spectre of Nazism and by implication of the Holocaust with them. This spectre is nowhere sensed in Pichler's analysis. It does not seem to have any grip on Pichler's narrative. I think this is unfortunate because I believe this spectre should always haunt any invoking of Schmitt or Schmittean understandings of the political. The reason is not to silence discussions about his understanding of the political, but rather to render normative questions about the ethico-political project his concept of the political incorporates as the kernel of any working with or on Schmitt's ideas

6. The New Totalitarians: Fascism and Nazism

In discussing the modern movements which threatened democracy, a distinction can be made between those which were anti-revolutionary and those which were counter-revolutionary. In practice, they often blur into one another. Differentiation between the two types does help to distinguish between those backward-looking elements which offered little more than mere negation of the democratic and radical movements of the preceding century, and those which used certain democratic devices against democracy itself. The Franco regime in Spain is essentially anti-revolutionary, except for the group running the single party, the Falange, which is counterrevolutionary. Latin American dictatorships generally belong in the first group, with Argentina\u27s Peron an exception. [excerpt

Education in Nazi Germany

This essay investigates the sweeping educational reforms that the Nazi government implemented to use elementary education to further its political goals. Along with the major laws concerned, it concentrates on several personal accounts of families and students during this era to better understand how these educational reforms affected Germans. Additionally, it analyzes the Hitler Youth and other such recreational organizations that the Nazis created to continue to mold students’ ideologies. It examines the stories of several people who were children in these organizations and what their impressions were of the groups. Finally, it places these Nazi reforms in the context of the post-1945 period of denazification and reconstruction

Germany after 1945: a society confronts antisemitism, racism, and neo-nazism

GERMANY AFTER 1945: A SOCIETY CONFRONTS ANTISEMITISM, RACISM, AND NEO-NAZISM Germany after 1945: a society confronts antisemitism, racism, and neo-nazism / Radvan, Heike (Rights reserved) ( -

Jacques Derrida, Hans-Georg Gadamer, Philippe Lacoue-Labarthe, “Heidegger, Philosophy, and Politics: The Heidelberg Conference”

Heidegger, Philosophy, and Politics: The Heidelberg Conference Autor: Jacques Derrida, Hans-Georg Gadamer, and Philippe Lacoue-Labarthe, Edited by Mireille Calle-Gruber, Translated by Jeff Fort, Foreword by Jean-Luc Nancy, Editorial: Fordham University Press, Fecha de Publicación: 2016, Formato: Hardback $85.00, Páginas: 116, Reviewed by: Facundo Bey (Universidad Nacional de General San Martín / CONICET-Universidad de Buenos Aires)