Application of “piercing the corporate veil” doctrine in the Ukrainian law

Purpose: In the article, authors develop a structure of applying the gaps of corporate law and the possibility of restricting all possible structures of the legal field in Ukraine. The functioning of corporate law is always exercised according to the principle of the company’s greatest possible involvement in the employee’s everyday life. There is always differentiation emerging, which determines to what extent the existence of corporate spirit and ethics are needed within the society. Design/Methodology/Approach: The method of comparative law was used as the subject of the study, which enabled us to compare the customary rules of law with specific corporate law rules. Additionally, it is appropriate to apply the historical method, which fully reflects that the article elaborates the historical aspect of the development of the studied phenomenon as well as the formation of the holistic component. Findings: The article implements the aspects of managing the legal regulation of corporate law on the basis of modernizing separate provisions of the legal area of a social environment. Practical Implications: The perspectives of applying the corporate law provisions in the state’s economic development can be defined as the conclusions of the study. Originality/Value: The authors clearly demonstrate the obligation to implement the provision that stipulates that the corporate law, in case its principles are violated, has still to be oriented at understanding the specificity of its application in commercial institutions.peer-reviewe

Gender Gaps In Voter's Behaviour In Modern Ukraine: Factors And Influence

The article deals with the important and insufficiently studied problem of specificity of the gender influence on electors' orientations in modern Ukraine. The studies fixed the presence of gender gaps in the electoral behavior – certain difference in electoral activity (participation in elections) and electoral preferences (decision about whom to give the own voice) among men and women. Based on the analysis of the situation in the Ukrainian society, there was determined, that the real gender gap in the electoral behavior of women and men is conditioned by the series of factors: historical (1), ideological (2), economic (3), social (4), political (5), cognitive-propagandist (6), stereotype and others (7).Their influence really determines a motivation of making electoral decisions by them. It was established, that just these factors, added by the series of partial ones (regional, type and level of elections, strategies of organizing election campaigns and so on) determine the presence of differences in the electoral behavior of men and women. Present gender gaps testify not only to the difference in the attitude to elections, they manifest the difference in approaches as to the attitude to the whole totality of social and political problems among men and women. Historical, economic, social, political, ideological factors, separated at the analysis, are more or less manifested in gender stereotypes that function in the society, that describe and legitimize men's and women's status in the society, their attitude to different social phenomena that results in the necessity to take them into account obligatorily at organizing elections

Russia: Political and Institutional Determinants of Economic Reforms

The purpose of this study is to analyze the course, determinants and political economy of economic reforms in Russia conducted in the period 1985-2003. The year 1985 can be considered an important turning point in Soviet/Russian history, marked as it was by the election of Mikhail Gorbachev to the position of General Secretary of the Communist Party of Soviet Union (CPSU) and (de facto) leader of the USSR. This nomination brought an end to two decades of political consolidation of the communist regime connected with the name of General Secretary Leonid Brezhnev and his short living successors (Yurii Andropov and Konstantin Chernenko), often referred to ex post as 'the stagnation period' (vremya zastoya). Gorbachev initiated a series of important political and (to a lesser extent) economic reforms, which led eventually to the collapse of the communist regime and the disintegration of the Soviet empire in 1991. Thus, 1991 must be seen as another dramatic turning point in Russia's contemporary history. From the end of 1991 onwards political and economic reforms have been carried out by the new Russian state that emerged after the disintegration of the USSR. This paper aims to explain the political and institutional determinants of economic reforms in the Russian Federation. It has been carried out under the Global Research Project on 'Understanding Reforms' organized and financed by the Global Development Network (GDN)1 as one of 30 country studies covering a broad set of developing and transition economies. It presents the project's intermediate results and will be the subject of further discussion as well as analytical and editorial work in the near future. The case of Russia is very important and interesting from the point of view of GRP 'Understanding Reforms' goals and agenda, for many reasons. First, all transitions from communist regimes and centrally-planned economies to democratic capitalism represent a much more complex, complicated and difficult reform experience than policy reforms observed in developing countries, especially when they relate to just one or a few specific policy areas. Thus, learning the transition experience, particularly in its early phase, can provide an extremely valuable empirical input to 'understanding reform' and provide answers to the project's key questions: 'why reform?', 'what reform?', and 'how well did the reform perform?'economic reforms, transition, Russia, reform sequencing, political reforms, institutional reforms, political economy.

Perceptions of Electoral Fairness and Voter Turnout

Previous research has established a link between turnout and the extent to which voters are faced with a “meaningful” partisan choice in elections; this study extends the logic of this argument to perceptions of the “meaningfulness” of electoral conduct. It hypothesizes that perceptions of electoral integrity are positively related to turnout. The empirical analysis to test this hypothesis is based on aggregate-level data from 31 countries, combined with survey results from Module 1 of the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems survey project, which includes new and established democracies. Multilevel modeling is employed to control for a variety of individual- and election-level variables that have been found in previous research to influence turnout. The results of the analysis show that perceptions of electoral integrity are indeed positively associated with propensity to vote. </jats:p

The Russian-Ukrainian Political Divide

The Orange Revolution unveiled significant political and economic tensions between ethnic Russians and Ukrainians in Ukraine. Whether this divide was caused by purely ethnic differences or by ethnically segregated reform preferences is unknown. Analysis using unique micro data collected prior to the revolution finds that voting preferences for the forces of the forthcoming Orange Revolution were strongly driven by preferences for political and economic reforms, but were also independently significantly affected by ethnicity; namely language and nationality. Russian speakers, as opposed to Ukrainian speakers, were significantly less likely to vote for the Orange Revolution, and nationality had similar effects.Transformation, voting preferences, Ukraine, ethnicity, Orange Revolution

The wealth of the few: the role of material resource power in the institutional reproduction of the Ukrainian oligarchy through its extractive political and economic practices, 2014-17

The thesis examines the process of reproduction of the modern Ukrainian oligarchy, and its survival as an evolving political economy institution across the “critical juncture” of the Euromaidan revolt of 2013/14, by way of continuation of its “extractive” political and economic practices, focusing on the role played by material resource power (wealth). Covering political and economic capacities and practices central to the reproduction process, the empirical chapters describe, analyse and explain the dynamics of wealth of the Ukrainian super-rich in relation to Ukrainian society in 2006-17, and its political implications; the process of conversion of wealth into political influence through vote-buying in the Verkhovna Rada (the Ukrainian parliament); and elite rent-extraction schemes in the Ukrainian gas sector before and after the Euromaidan revolution, which illustrate the means of conversion of political influence back into wealth. A key argument of the study is that continuity in informal political and economic practices between the Yanukovych and Poroshenko presidencies, and of the elite political-economic networks that conduct them, signals continuity in the dominant political economy regime across the two periods. The main economic effects of the continuation of the informal practices of the Ukrainian oligarchy since its inception in the 1990s have been to undermine state capacity and investment. Based on the empirical investigations, the thesis proposes a novel way of envisaging the interconnection between the capacities, practices and processes of the Ukrainian oligarchy at a more general level, represented as a “currency flow”, or circuit, of wealth and power. To the academic literature on the dynamics of informally dominated post-communist political and political economy regimes, the dissertation adds, therefore, a detailed, integrated, and internally comparative case study of Ukraine

Political Power Distribution in Ukraine: Dynamics and Perspectives

Political processes in Ukraine attract significant attention both of the researchers and politicians especially after the cancellation of the Association Agreement with EU signing and Euromaidan appearance. Numerous political analyses published by Ukrainian and international scholars still remain often within the behavioral approach leaving aside the logic and perspectives of the Ukrainian political institutions functioning. As the political system in Ukraine is significantly distanced from the society and the political processes seemingly proceed mostly inside the polity it would be more convenient to characterize the system by the political power distribution models. In the article presented is the retrospective analysis of the changes in the structures and procedures of political decision making in Ukraine. It is shown that in making political decisions the Ukrainian political system is more and more influenced by external forces – social organizations, businesses and the International community with the Russian Federation and the European Union as the dominating actors