The Efforts of the Jordanian Civil Defense Director Major General Mustafa Al-Bzeaiha in the Development, Modernization and Administrative Reform of the Civil Defense Apparatus in Jordan (Descriptive Study)

Summary The aim of this study is to identify the efforts of the Jordanian Civil Defense Manager in the development, modernization and administrative reform of the Jordanian civil defense system in all aspects, at the level of laws, regulations and legislations, training human resources, holding professional courses, providing incentives, grants and assistance, Civil defense and local communities in Jordan, and to develop coordination and cooperation with local, Arab, regional and international organizations in the conclusion of conventions, courses and conferences in the field of civil protection, through the study of studies, reports, publications and books issued by the Jordanian Civil Defense, the study and analysis of achievements and the study of strategic plans, and the researcher reached the following main results achieved: 15 new civil defense centers were developed to reach (200) 20), a new ambulance service, the introduction of 13 rapid rescue vehicles, the introduction of an M126 aircraft, the increase in the number of UAVs, the modernization of the operations and control wing, the introduction of the command and control bus (2), the establishment of an integrated center For diving in the Dead Sea area, a special ambulance is attached to its cadres 84 medical personnel and drivers distributed over 14 security stations, the development of the Language Center, the Civil Defense Court, the Medical Center, the General Directorate of Civil Defense, the Electric and Research Vehicles Laboratory, the Human Resources Department, the Quality System and the Civil Defense Press. The development of the website, the development of the Prince Hussein Academy for Civil Protection, and the development of new specialties, cooperation with the Chinese, French, and Japanese sides, Italian, Swiss, German. Keyword:Civil Defense, development, Civil Protection, achievements. DOI: 10.7176/RHSS/9-4-0

A Model to Improve Service Quality through Integration of E-Government and Total Quality Management: A Field Study in the Jordanian Public Sector

The main purpose of this study was to examine the effect of interaction between implementing total-quality management (TQM) and e-government on the quality of service in the Jordanian public sector. To achieve the objective of the study, a self-administered questionnaire was designed and distributed randomly to 70 middle and top managers working at five governmental institutions. The significance of the study stems from its attempt to clarify the importance of TQM and IT collaboration for administrative-reform programs the public sector. Specifically, the importance of this study lies in the attempt to identify the impact of the integrated relationship between the application of e-government and TQM on improving the quality of service provided by the public sector in Jordan. The results of the study revealed that the studied institutions adopted various dimensions of TQM while implementing some stages of e-government. Also the results revealed a positive correlation between adapting TQM and e?government on service quality. Finally the study uncovered the relationship and impact of the interaction between implementing TQM and e-government on quality service in the Jordanian public sector. Keywords: e-government, total quality management, service quality, e-government in Jordan, TQ

Irrigated agriculture, water pricing and water savings in the Lower Jordan River Basin (in Jordan)

Farming systems / Irrigated farming / Water conservation / Groundwater / Water policy / Water rates / Water costs / Pricing / Cost recovery / Economic impact / Jordan / Lower Jordan River Basin / Jordan Valley / Amman-Zarqa Basin / Yarmouk Basin

Economic data bank management in a developing nation

This dissertation describes the results of a research project which was undertaken at Loughborough University of Technology. The basic objectives of the research project were: (1) to investigate the management elements required for organising the development of an Economic Data Bank (EDB), with particular emphasis on the requirements of a developing nation; (2) to investigate the sociological, political and technical implications associated with organising the development of an EDB in a developing nation. A theoretical framework was established for this study. This was dene after an extensive search and review of literature was performed in the areas of data and data base management systems, management information systems, and computer technology in general. [Continues.

Does crisis affect credit risk in developing countries?

At the core of the crisis marked by its magnitude, credit risk turned to become a powerful catalyst. The objective of this paper is mainly to follow up the evolution of the credit risk at the Jordanian market during the recent economic and financial international crisis. Based on the linear discriminant model Z-Score and KMV structural model, we recognize the increase in the credit risk during the crisis period. On the whole, the confrontation between models highlights the robust correlation between the accounting results of a company and its market value

A Review of Algorithms for Credit Risk Analysis

The interest collected by the main borrowers is collected to pay back the principal borrowed from the depositary bank. In financial risk management, credit risk assessment is becoming a significant sector. For the credit risk assessment of client data sets, many credit risk analysis methods are used. The assessment of the credit risk datasets leads to the choice to cancel the customer\u27s loan or to dismiss the customer\u27s request is a challenging task involving a profound assessment of the information set or client information. In this paper, we survey diverse automatic credit risk analysis methods used for credit risk assessment. Data mining approach, as the most often used approach for credit risk analysis was described with the focus to various algorithms, such as neural networks. This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License.</p

Digital marketing effect to intention to domestic tourism during COVID-19 in Jordan

The pandemic COVID-19 proved as a great challenge for today world. The “Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan” timely control it due it’s aggressive actions against pandemic COVID-19, in contrast with other “MENA” countries. Where the government encouraged domestic tourism to reduce the burden on this sector. The purpose of this study is to lay emphasis on the Jordan domestic tourism in light of the investigation as to how digital marketing influence intention to domestic tourism with the moderating role of price, and the role of mediator perceived ease of use (PEOU). In order to achieve the objective, the study has adopted quantitative technique of analysis. The study has initially collected the primary data through questionnaire. The data were collected from 377 respondents (customers want to do domestic tourism) by using a convenience sampling technique. In the second step the collected data is analyzed by using statistical tools i.e. SPSS and AMOS. The outcomes of the “structural equation modeling”, concluded that digital marketing has significant relationship with PEOU and intentions to domestic tourism. Moreover; PEOU has a significant relationship with intentions to domestic tourism. Additionally, the PEOU also work as a mediating factor in association between the digital marketing, and intention to domestic tourism. Hypothesis on moderation effects were not justified. The outcomes of such study are useful to the domestic tourism industry for identifying tourists' needs during COVID-19 pandemic

Security Elites in Egypt and Jordan after the Arab Spring : A Case Study on Securocracies’ Role on National Security, Domestic Power Politics, Regional Order and Middle Eastern Alliance Making between 2011 and 2021

The doctoral dissertation studied changes in the balance of power, alliance making and the hegemonic struggles of security elites within a Middle Eastern regional context over a ten year reference period between 2011 and 2021. The study focused on two case study countries: Egypt and Jordan. The results were compared within a historical context to the pre-Arab Spring era. The theoretical approach combined the English School of Thought and Middle Eastern Studies with a conceptual model of securocracy developed by the author. The primary contribution of the research is the realization of the core importance of securocracy within autocratic state systems. Inside securocracies there exists rivalling groups and organisations that counterbalance each other. The study points to the fact that the power struggle between executive powers – either purely domestic one or supported by foreign involvement, is the main driver behind why case study countries were in varying degrees dragged into instability and turmoil in the aftermath of the Arab Spring. Securocracies can be divided into two main types: centralised and decentralised. The centralised model occurs when different elites groups have the same ”distance” to the ruler while having equal privileges and equal access to political power. The model predicts durability and stability of the regime (status quo). In the de-centralised model, there is an ongoing struggle amongst elite groups and “distances” to ruler are not equal, neither are the privileges. In Egypt the hegemonic struggle amongst elites took precedence over the interests and stability of the state after the Arab Spring and has continued since then. The situation at the end of 2021 is a de-centralised model where all executive powers are concentrated within President al-Sisi’s family dynasty (palace) and the leadership of military intelligence. This de-centralised type of securocracy makes Egypt’s situation fragile. Any impact from the outside, such as the Biden administration’s decision to impose additional conditions on U.S. financial military aid, could lead to a new hegemonic struggle challenging al-Sisi’s power. The securocracy’s survival strategy found in the study was the use of vertical power at all levels of the state hierarchy (” the winner takes it all”). In the situation of a power struggle, the ruler uses omni-balancing i.e., alliance making with powerful foreign states in order to gain an advantage against domestic rivals and revisionist regional states. The Egyptian example is al-Sisi’s rapprochement with Russia’s President Putin and his distancing of Egypt from its previous role of being the United States’ loyal Middle Eastern ally. The Jordanian example however, is the opposite, resulting in even closer relations with the United States since January 2021 when the two countries signed an updated Status of Forces Agreement (SOFA). The study also highlights that decisions concerning ruler succession in authoritarian states take place behind-the-scenes amongst the securocracy as it, per rule, prefers to choose a member inside its own interest group or alternatively a political figurehead that commits to protect securocracy’s privileged interests in exchange of their own power position. Within the Middle East, the recent U.S. pivot to Asia-Pacific created an opportunity for Russia to make a come-back. Russia, however, does not have the resources to compensate for the loss of U.S. financial military aid to the security elites. This in turn, and with Russia’s consent, has given space for regional state actors, particularly, the United Arab Emirates and Saudi-Arabia, to increase their influence. Gulf support to the regional clients is not free of charge: they request their clients adopt their own threat perceptions, take sides in armed conflicts and contribute to military capabilities which support the sponsors’ regional foreign and security policy goals.Väitöstutkimuksessa tarkasteltiin kymmenen vuoden ajanjaksolla voimatasapainon muutosta Lähi-idän alueellisessa valtarakenteessa, liittolaissuhteiden muutoksia sekä turvallisuuseliittien roolia maan sisäisessä valtataistelussa. Tuloksia verrattiin historiallisessa kontekstissa arabikevättä edeltävään aikaan kahdessa tapaustutkimusmaassa: Egyptissä ja Jordaniassa. Teoriaviitekehyksenä sovellettiin Englantilaisen koulukunnan ja Lähi-idän tutkimuksen teoriamalleja, sekä tutkijan kehittelemää sekurokratian konseptuaalista mallia. Tutkimuksen keskeinen tulos on havainto sekurokratian merkittävästä roolista osana autoritaarista valtiomallia. Sekurokratian sisälle on luotu useita toinen toistaan tasapainottavia ryhmittymiä. Tapaustutkimusmaiden arabikevään jälkeisen turvallisuustilanteen muutoksia selittävien tekijöiden joukossa turvallisuuseliittien valtakamppailu nousi merkittävään rooliin. Valtakamppailua käytiin eliittien kesken joko pelkästään maan sisällä tai vaihtoehtoisesti osin myös valtion ulkopuolisten voimien tukemana. Tutkimuksen perusteella sekurokratiat voidaan jakaa kahteen päätyyppiin: keskitettyyn ja hajautettuun malliin. Jos eri turvallisuuseliitti-ryhmien edut, vallankäyttö ja etäisyys vallan keskipisteeseen ovat tasapainossa puhutaan keskitetyn sekurokratian mallista, mikä ennustaa vallassa olevan regiimin pysyvyyttä ja vakautta. Jos taas sekurokratian rakenne on hajautetun mallin mukainen, sen valtakamppailu voi johtaa yhden osan pyrkimyksiin hegemonia-asemasta. Egyptin tapauksessa arabikevään jälkeinen turvallisuuseliittien valtakamppailu asetettiin maan vakauden edelle ja eliittien valtakamppailu on jatkunut tähän päivään. Tilanteessa vuoden 2021 lopussa valta on al-Sisin perhedynastialla ja sotilastiedustelun eliitillä (hajautettu malli). Hajautettu malli ei ennusta pitkäaikaista vallassa pysymistä; vahva ulkopuolinen heräte, esimerkiksi Bidenin hallinnon sotilaallisen talousavun lopettaminen voisi johtaa uuteen valtakamppailuun ja al-Sisin valta-aseman haastamiseen. Tutkimustulokset osoittavat, että sekurokratoiden selviytymisstrategiana on vallanvertikaalin käyttö valtiohallinnon eri tasoilla. Valtakamppailun tilanteessa käytetään tasapainotusstrategiaa (omni-balancing), missä alueellisia vahvoja valtioita ja suurvaltoja pyritään yhdistämään hallitsijan puolelle kilpailevia eliittiryhmittymiä tai revisionistisia ulkovaltoja vastaan. Egyptissä presidentti al-Sisin valtaannousu johti maan lähentymiseen presidentti Putinin Venäjän kanssa sekä etääntymiseen aiemmasta Yhdysvalloille uskollisen Lähi-idän liittolaisen roolista. Jordaniassa puolestaan maa on nyt entistä tiiviimmin liittoutunut Yhdysvaltojen kanssa. Esimerkkinä tästä on tammikuussa 2021 maiden kesken solmittu sotilasyhteistyötä ja jordanialaisten tukikohtien käyttöä säätelevä isäntämaatuki-sopimus. Tutkimustulosten valossa autoritaariselle vallanperimykselle tyypillistä on se, että julkisuuteen näkymättömän sisäisen valtakamppailun jälkeen uudeksi valtionpäämieheksi pyritään nostamaan sekurokratian sisältä sen oman intressiryhmän edustaja, tai vaihtoehtoisesti sekurokratian valitsema ulkopuolinen poliitikko, jonka vastuulle korporaation intressien vaaliminen lankeaa vastapalveluksena sekurokratian tuesta keulakuva-poliitikon vallassa pitämiseksi. Alueellisen turvallisuusjärjestyksen osalta tutkimuksen tulokset osoittavat sen, että Yhdysvaltojen painopisteen siirto Tyynellemerelle vii ja Aasiaan on antanut Venäjälle mahdollisuuden palauttaa vaikutusvaltaansa Lähiitään. Venäjällä ei kuitenkaan ole resursseja kompensoida Yhdysvaltojen arabivaltioiden turvallisuuseliiteille allokoimaa taloudellista tukea. Tämä on antanut tilaa alueellisten toimijoiden kuten Yhdistyneiden arabiemiirikuntien ja Saudi-Arabian vaikutusvallan kasvattamiselle - tosin Venäjän hyväksynnällä. Tuki ei myöskään tule ilmaiseksi, sillä sponsorit edellyttävät, että niille alisteisessa asemassa olevat maat omaksuvat tukijavaltioidensa uhkakuvat, sekä konfliktitilanteissa kontribuoivat sotilaallisia kyvykkyyksiä näiden valtioiden ulko- ja turvallisuuspoliittisten päämäärien saavuttamiseksi