Nurses’ Perceptions of Horizontal Violence

In this article, I describe a study exploring horizontal violence and nurses’ perceptions of the phenomenon within the context of two 28-bed inpatient hospital units. The purpose of the study was to develop a clearer understanding of horizontal violence, incorporating observation and inquiry to identify the language nurses use to describe their experiences and factors in the nursing work environment that may perpetuate the phenomenon. Observation, review and analysis of policies, and interviews with staff were completed between June and November 2012. Thematic analysis resulted in five themes: (a) behaviors are minimized and not recognized, (b) fear inhibits all reporting, (c) avoidance and isolation are coping strategies, (d) lack of respect and support, and (e) organizational chaos. The findings suggest future interventions must address a range of factors that perpetuate horizontal violence within the nursing work environment with consideration for the embeddedness and complexity of the phenomenon

Horizontal Violence Effect on Nurse Retention

Horizontal violence is known by a variety of terms such as lateral violence, bullying, and incivility. Christie and Jones (2014) describe lateral violence as a problem in nursing where a behavior is demonstrated through harmful actions that occur between nurses. Studies have revealed how horizontal violence affects nurse retention. Horizontal violence is a relevant issue in the healthcare community, yet often goes undiscussed. Walrafen (2012) explains that an outcome of horizontal violence in nursing is directly proportional to a decrease in retention of nurses. Sherman (2012) proclaimed that nurses who are subjected to horizontal violence have low self-esteem, depression, excessive sick leave, and poor morale. As Wilson (2011) identified nurses, who witness or experience horizontal violence have an increased desire to leave the organization where the bullying takes place. Horizontal violence is a pervasive source of occupational stress with physical, psychological, and organizational consequences (Hauge, et al, 2010). Roy (2007) describes this as an unkind, discourteous manner in which nurses relate to their colleagues. As nurses seek to perform their daily tasks, other co-workers may embarrass them for their lack of knowledge, tease them as they participate in informal cliques, or demean them for their technique (Bakker, 2012). Creating excuses, taunting, and refusing to share information, nursing education or knowledge are examples of horizontal violence (Ball, 1996)

Registered Nurses Experience with and Perceived Effects of Horizontal Violence

The prevalence of horizontal violence in nursing has been well documented in the past 20 years. Recently the focus of the literature has been on developing strategies to prevent horizontal violence from occurring. The purpose of this exploratory descriptive study was to ascertain how Registered Nurses at one rural North Carolina hospital experienced and perceived horizontal violence. A zero tolerance policy was in place at the time of the study. The Nursing 2011 horizontal violence survey was used to examine a convenience sample of 40 nurses in this facility. The subjects were employed in seven different units throughout the hospital. While there were nurses personally affected by the violence, the majority reported never or only a few times in answer to the questions about this subject. Overall, approximately 67% of the nurses surveyed witnessed or experienced horizontal violence while on the job. This substantial finding reinforces research literature that identifies horizontal violence persistence in nursing as being related to existing workplace cultures

Evolving Political Accountability in Kenya

published or submitted for publicationnot peer reviewe

The ‘Autonomous Nationalists’: new developments and contradictions in the German neo-Nazi movement

This article examines the action repertoires, symbolism and political ideology of the ‘Autonomous Nationalists’ (Autonome Nationalisten in German) that have emerged as a sub-cultural youth trend within the German extreme right. Agitating within a landscape of networked, extra-parliamentary neo-Nazi organisations, Autonomous Nationalist activism forms a specific subsection within the German extreme right that copies the styles, codes and militancy of anarchist and radical left activists. A political analysis of its texts and slogans reveals a self- definition as ‘anti-capitalist’ and ‘national socialist’. A particular mobilisation potential beyond the traditional and party-political forms of extreme nationalism is fuelled by an openly displayed confrontational militancy, mostly directed at anti-fascist and left-wing groups and individuals, and by strong counter-cultural aspects. The article analyses how this emphasis on individual forms of expressions and rebellion appears to stand in contradiction with fascist understandings of organisation and has put the movement at odds with the established neo-Nazi scene in Germany

Poverty and Conflict: Can Economic Development Prevent Conflict?

War and widespread poverty plague the developing countries of the world in a devastatingly violent cycle. This paper illustrates a correlation between economics and the role it can play in violence. The author surveys three theoretical approaches to understanding conflict resolution and socioeconomic causal relationships of violence, summarizes empirical evidence of those causal relationships, ex-plores these relationships in terrorism and civil war, and utilizes those theories and empirical data in an analytical case study of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, including a correlation coefficient ma-trix and regression analysis with policy implications. The theoretical approaches surveyed include hu-man security and development, the horizontal inequalities theory, and structural demographic theory. The unique and peaceful approach of growing a developing nation’s economy could be key to break-ing the cycle of violent conflict in war-torn countries and avoiding such violence in countries on the verge of civil war

From low-conflict polity to democratic civil peace: explaining Zambian exceptionalism

An absence of civil war and other significant sub-state violence makes Zambia an exceptional although not unique case in central-southern Africa. The literature devoted to explaining civil war has grown dramatically in recent years, but while it pays much attention to sub-Saharan Africa only rarely does it investigate counterfactual cases like Zambia. Similarly the growing field of research into post-conflict reconstruction fails to capture the distinct features of persistently low-conflict situations where many of the predisposing conditions for violent conflict might seem to be present. This paper examines Zambia’s experience against a background of general theories that try to explain conflict. It is an “interpretative case study”. The paper proceeds by substantiating Zambia’s claim to a relatively peaceful record and introduces ideas of conflict and conflict theories, before arguing that no single general theory dwelling on just one primary “cause” will suffice to explain Zambian exceptionalism. The precise mix of arguments differs for each one Zambia’s three republican eras, as the potential threats to peace have themselves evolved over the period since independence. The paper’s main theoretical claim is that over time the explanation is both multi-layered and dynamic. That said, certain features do stand out, most notably an inherited political culture that is predisposed against the violent resolution of conflict and continues to insulate the country against social and economic traumas and democratic shortcomings

Horizontal Inequalities and Violent Conflict. Côte d’Ivoire Country Paper

human development, aid, trade, security

Representative bureaucracy: does female police leadership affect gender-based violence arrests?

Representative bureaucracy theory postulates that passive representation leads to active representation of minority groups. This article investigates the passive representation of female police officers at leadership levels and the active representation of women vis-a-vis gender-based violence arrest rates in the UK. Much of the extant research on representative bureaucracy is located at street level, with evidence showing that discretionary power of minority bureaucrats can lead to active representation. This article is focused on leadership levels of a public bureaucracy. The empirical research is based upon a panel dataset of female police officers as an independent variable and gender-based violence arrest rates as a dependent variable. The analysis reveals that there is little evidence of active representation of women by female police leadership