The Croatian-Slavonic Grenz (Border) Hussars’ Role in the Campaigns 1793–94 against the Revolutionary France or the history of the cavalry for the Wurmser Freikorps

A tanulmány az osztrák–stájer, vagy másként Wurmser-szabadcsapat lovasságának létrejöttét és eddig gyakorlatilag feltáratlan történetét tekinti át levéltári kutatások alapján. A rövid életű csapattest jelentőségét annak köszönheti, hogy ez tekinthető a későbbi Horvát–Szlavón határőr-huszárezred, vagyis a francia háborúk korában fennállt, egyetlen alapvetően délszláv etnikumú császári-királyi huszárezred előzményének. Jelen munka alapításától, 1793 elejétől kíséri nyomon a szabadcsapat lovasságának történetét egészen a gyalogságtól történő hivatalos leválásáig, 1794 végéig. A tanulmányban a hadműveletekben való részvétel ismertetésén túl az önálló csapattestté válás okai és folyamata, továbbá a tisztikar és az alakulat mindenkori parancsnokai is bemutatásra kerülnek

“Red Rosa”: Rosa Luxemburg’s Utopia of Revolution

Rosa Luxemburg è stata un outsider sotto molti punti di vista: convinta fautrice dell’internazionalismo nel panorama politico polacco, in cui prevaleva la “questione nazionale” dell’indipendenza e dell’unificazione dei territori polacchi separati, ha polemizzato direttamente col Lenin sul problema della democrazia all’interno del partito e dello Stato comunista; la sua visione politica era i9n netto contrasto con quella del Partito Socialdemocratico Tedesco (SPD) sulla questione dei crediti di guerra; è stata, nella teoria e nella prassi, una sostenitrice dei diritti delle donne. Ma è rimasta un’ebrea senza radici, senza tradizione e senza patria. La morte di Rosa Luxemburg ha segnato la fine di ogni possibilità di una rivoluzione bolscevica in Germania, ma anche la fine di ogni alternativa alla dittatura del partito all’interno del movimento comunista internazionale. Al fallimento politico è seguita la condanna all’oblio. Esiste quasi una conventio ad excludendum nei confronti di Rosa Luxemburg: i polacchi la rifiutano a causa del suo internbazionalismo, gli ebrei a causa della sua freddezza nei confronti della “questione ebraica”, i comunisti perché la considerano “estremista e deviazionista”, i socialdemocratici perché “rivoluzionaria”, i liberali perché la considerano “una terrorista sovversiva e sanguinaria”. Rosa “la rossa”, ebrea senza patria, condizionata dalla sua furia per il suo internazionalismo, è stata vittima della sua stessa euforia, ha tentato di realizzare una rivoluzione politica e sociale, di fondare una repubblica dei consigli dei soldati, degli operai e dei contadini, sbagliando la valutazione delle forze in campo. Ma la sua scelta è stata consapevole e razionale. Una scelta politica e ideale che si pone sulla scia dell’ illuminismo tedesco e della Haskalah. Rosa Luxembur rappresenta una variante radicale degli ebrei assimilate tedeschi, polacchi e russi che hanno tentato di razionalizzare, di far crescere e di “rivoluzionare” la società civile per liberare l’umanità oppressa.Rosa Luxemburg was an outsider in many ways: she vehemently supported internationalism within the Polish political landscape, in which the “national question” of the independence and unification of Polish separated territories prevailed; she argued directly with Lenin about the democracy in the party and in the communist state; her views were in stark contrast to the German Social Democratic party (SPD) on the question of war credits; she was, in theory as well as in practice, a representative of women’s liberation. She remained a Jewess without roots, without tradition and without country. The death of Rosa Luxemburg marked the end of every possibility of Bolshevik revolution in Germany, but also the end of every alternative to the dictatorship of the party within the international communist movement. The political defeat was followed by the condemnation to oblivion. There is almost a conventio ad excludendum against Red Rosa: Poles reject her for her anti-nationalism, Jews because of her indifference to the “Jewish question”, the Communists because they considered her “extremist and deviationist”, the Social Democrats because she was “revolutionary”, the liberals because she was considered a “subversive and bloody terrorist”. Red Rosa, Jewess without homeland, conditioned by the fury of her internationalism, fell victim to her own utopia, she tried to realize a social and political revolution, to build a republic of councils of soldiers, workers, and peasants, missing the valuation of the fighting forces. But her choice was rational and conscious. An ideal and political choice that inherits the tradition of the deutsche Aufklärung and the Haskalah. Rosa Luxemburg represents a radical variant of German, Polish, Russian assimilated Jews who tried to rationalize, to improve, to “revolutionize” civil society to free oppressed humanity

The RSHA Generation

The Reichssicherheitshauptamt (RSHA) was once the capital of a vast empire of terror; a place where surveillance, persecution, and extermination became merely a quotidian, bureaucratic function and where the Schreibtischtäter could implement their deadly ideology from afar, or sometimes in person; a place where divisions of the SS less associated by the general public with Nazi crimes against humanity, such as the Sicherheitsdienst (SD) and Sicherheitspolizei (Sipo), would persecute and kill more people than the Gestapo and most other Nazi institutions of terror. The RSHA and its many offices became an outlet for many Nazi intellectual elites, who were educated at the prestigious institutions of Weimar and Nazi Germany. After the creation of the RSHA within the SS, these individuals through this apparatus and the opportunities presented by German military conquests were transformed from ideological academics to calculating exterminators of millions. Some made the transition behind a desk in Berlin, while others were committed to seeing the fruits of their labor first hand. These were the ‘true believers’ and most devoted followers of National Socialism

El uso de la novela como recurso didáctico en la enseñanza de las Ciencias Sociales

Este Trabajo de Fin de Máster es un estudio y propuesta didáctica sobre la pertinencia del uso de la novela en general y de la novela histórica en particular como un recurso válido y útil en el aprendizaje de las Ciencias Sociales para los estudiantes de secundaria y bachillerato. Durante las siguientes páginas se presenta una investigación concienzuda que expone los diferentes puntos de vista académicos que existen hoy en día acerca de este tema. Se analizan cuestiones como el origen y definiciones de lo que es una novela histórica, sus usos en un contexto educativo, los tipos y categorizaciones existentes sobre ella, pues no todas las novelas serían adecuadas para ser utilizadas como recursos educativos, así como las estrategias de enseñanza y las dificultades de aprendizaje que se pueden encontrar al llevar a cabo este tipo de actividades en el aula. Además se expone una propuesta de uso que fue puesta en práctica durante mi periodo de asistencia obligatoria a un centro educativo de enseñanza secundaria, dónde explico la metodología, expongo los resultados y realizo un análisis crítico de ellos con la esperanza de que puedan servir de guía al lector, si su interés está enfocado en el uso de este recurso

Ex-corporation: on male birth fantasies

Between 1890 and 1933, male birth fantasies became a widespread phenomenon in European culture. One of the key examples of male birth fantasies is Filippo Tommaso Marinetti’s “African” novel Mafarka the Futurist. The novel’s protagonist, Mafarka, gives birth to a child by his will power and by drawing on diverse formations of knowledge, from alchemy to theories of evolution. In addition to the consideration given the psycho-historical, cultural, and scientific contexts of male birth fantasies in the avant-garde, the contribution reflects on sibling encryptment within the relationship to the mother as one more aspect of a span of genealogy one might term “Maternal Modernity.” Christine Kanz is Professor of German Literature at Ghent University in Belgium. Her contribution refers to her 2009 book Maternale Moderne. Männliche Gebärphantasien zwischen Kultur und Wissenschaft, 1890- 1933. In addition she edited several collections and authored another book on Ingeborg Bachmann, and numerous articles and reviews in the area of interdisciplinary studies. Before entering the Academy of Fine Arts Karlsruhe, class of Daniel Roth, in 2008, Adam Cmiel trained in various media in Bad Dürkheim, Hamburg, Mannheim, and Trier. He has participated in nine exhibitions since the onset of his studies in Karlsruhe

De Terminator a Terminatrix : representaciones y estereotipos de género

This article concentrates on how the Terminator series has shifted its focus from the opposition between man and machine to that between man and woman, perpetuating the binary models of representation. It is the contention of this essay that although the three films of the series are apparently constructing a representation of women devoid of generic prejudice, the images depicted in the films are really helping to nourish a stereotype where the main function of women is to be either a reproductive vessel or a cyborgic warrior and femme fatale endowed with masculine characteristics, thus continuing to represent their traditional generic roles and stereotypes

Fascism as a Mass-Movement: Translator's Introduction

AbstractThis Introduction to Rosenberg’s essay starts with a brief synopsis of his life, then summarises the key arguments of the essay itself before looking briefly at the twin issues of the social base of the fascist parties (wider than just the ‘petty bourgeoisie’) and the passive complicity/compliance of ‘ordinary Germans’, as the literature now terms whole sectors of the civilian population that were defined by their apathy or moral indifference to the horrors of the Nazi state.</jats:sec

"Home, Religion, Fatherland" : Movements of the Radical Right in Finland

This article charts the history of fascism in Finland and looks for the causes of its failure. Like most of its European contemporaries, Finnish nationalism was radicalized in similar processes which produced successful fascist movements elsewhere. After the end of the Great War, Finnish nationalists were engaged first in a bitter civil war, and then in a number of Freikorps-style attempts to expand the borders of the newly-made Finnish state. Like elsewhere, these experiences produced a generation of frustrated and embittered, radicalized nationalists to serve as the cadre of Finnish fascist movements. The article concentrates on the Lapua movement, in which fascist influences and individuals were in a prominent position, even though the movement publicly adopted a predominantly conservative anti-communist outlook centred on the values of home, religion and fatherland.Peer reviewe