The Growth of General Election as an Implementation of Democracy and Constitution in Indonesia since Parliamentary Democracy Era until Reformation Era

The objectives of this research are (first) to know General election growth as an implementation of democracy in Indonesia specially as an empirical description of General Election since Parliamentary Era until Reformation Era and as an assessment to know whether General election that was executed was democratic or not. This assessment used many indicators as General election order, General election organizer, General election contestant competition, freedom of elector, and controlling of General election. Second, to know the position of General election as Constitution implementation in Indonesia specially from the aspect of General election growth in Constitution and also General election law and causal factor of changing General election law in every General election that is implemented in Indonesia. Third, to give solution in order to make General election perfect in Indonesia governance system. This research use research method consist of normative law research that having descriptive character by using law approach, political approach, historical approach and comparability approach. Data in this research are secondary data with library research as an instrument. The technique to analyse data use qualitative method through categorize problems based on problems that is researched by taking conclusion based on logical idea. The result of this research indicate that General election is fluctuative. The General Election in the Parliamentary Democracy Era is democratic, The General election in Guided Democracy Era is not implementated, The General Election in New Order Era is undemocratic and The General election in Reformation Era is democratic. The growth of General election as Constitution implementation in Indonesia experiences a significant growth since Constitution of 1945, Constitution of 1949, Constitution of 1950 until amandement Constitution (reformation era). In General election law there are items that need to be defended, to be vanished and to be corrected. The basic reasons of changing General election law consist of law aspect, political aspect and sociological aspect. Small part of solution General election in governance system for Indonesian future (postscriptum) are necessity in improvement of General election democratization, necessity in repairing of General election in Constitution and General election law. Keyword: General election, constitution and democrac

LSE centre for economic performance: bankers’ bonuses

A new series of Election Analyses is now available from the LSE’s Centre for Economic Performance (CEP). The series will discuss the research evidence on some of the key policy battlegrounds of the 2010 General Election, including macroeconomic policy, immigration, health, education, crime, poverty and inequality, labour market policy, regional policy, energy and the environment, financial regulation and bankers’ bonuses, and foreign aid. The latest CEP Election Analysis, by Brian Bell, gives an overview of bankers’ bonuses and extreme wage inequality, one of the key battlegrounds of the 2010 General Election. The publication is summarised below and can be found in full on the CEP Election Analysis Site

Challenges to Fair Elections 8: Election Day Registration Works

In the final days of the 2006 campaign, as in any election year, citizen interest is peaking as election news--and debates on the issues--becomes more pervasive in the media. Unfortunately for America's voters, in all but eight states (one of which does not require voter registration) , if you are not already registered to vote in this week's election, it is too late. There are seven states, however, where eligible voters are not hampered by arbitrary deadlines, no matter when they become engaged by an election, and can register to vote on Election Day itself. Thanks to Election Day Registration (EDR), also known as "same-day registration," eligible citizens can register to vote on Election Day in Idaho, Maine, Minnesota, New Hampshire, Wisconsin and Wyoming, each of which offered EDR in the 2004 presidential election. These states boasted, on average, voter turnout that was 12 percentage points higher than in non-EDR states, and reported few problems with fraud, costs, or administrative complexity. Inspired by their example, Montana is implementing a form of EDR this year. In fact, in 2006, 2008 and beyond, one could easily predict where turnout will be consistently higher than the national average--in states that offer Election Day Registration

Legislative Alert: Election Support Consolidation and Efficiency Act (H.R. 672)

[Excerpt] I am writing on behalf of the AFL-CIO to urge you to oppose the Election Support Consolidation and Efficiency Act (HR 672), legislation to dismantle the Election Administration Commission (EAC) sixty days after enactment. The work of the EAC aims to ensure the reliability and trustworthiness of our nation\u27s complex and diversified election administration system, and this agency should not be abolished

Judging the Law of Politics

In this Review Essay I explore the rights-structure debate that has captivated the attention of election law scholars. The Essay juxtaposes the recent work of a leading individualist Professor Richard Hasen\u27s new book, The Supreme Court and Election Law, against the recent work of a leading structuralist, Professor Richard Pildes\u27 recent Foreword to the Harvard Law Review. I argue that even though the rights-structure debate produces much heat, it does not significantly advance the goal of understanding and evaluating the role of the Court in democratic politics. I aim to return election law to a dualistic understanding of the relationship between rights and structure, an understanding that prevailed in the early articulation of structuralism\u27s relevance to judicial review of democratic politics. I shall argue that election law cases cannot be divided into neat categories along the individual rights and structuralism divide. Election law cases raise both issues of individual and structural rights. Therefore, the label attached to election law claims is immaterial. The fundamental questions are what are the values that judicial review ought to vindicate and how best to vindicate those values. These are questions that transcend the rights-structure divide

Ramshackle Federalism: America’s Archaic and Dysfunctional Presidential Election System

Accordingly, this Article proposes five sensible and achievable reforms to modernize the presidential election system. Each requires Congress and the federal government to play a much more proactive role in the presidential election system. The Constitution may be founded on federalist principles, but excessive decentralization is not serving us well in presidential election administration. In an age of tumultuous and accelerating change, the presidential election system must be modernized to meet the needs of twenty-first century America

Ayotte And Hassan In Dead Heat For 2016 NH Senate; Guinta Favorability Hurt By Scandal 5/27/15

New Hampshire Senator Kelly Ayotte continues to be popular in the state but is tied with Governor Maggie Hassan if Hassan decides to run for Senate in 2016. First District Congressman Frank Guinta’s favorability ratings have dropped in the wake of a Federal Election Commission fine concerning fundraising in his 2010 election. Election: 201

NH Primary Voters Not Engaged, GOP Field Remains Unclear 2/5/15

One year before the historic 100th anniversary of the New Hampshire Primary, the Republican field is wide open. Not surprisingly, most voters are not yet engaged in the election. Election: NH Primary 201

Polling bias and undecided voter allocations: US Presidential elections, 2004 - 2016

Accounting for undecided and uncertain voters is a challenging issue for predicting election results from public opinion polls. Undecided voters typify the uncertainty of swing voters in polls but are often ignored or allocated to each candidate in a simple, deterministic manner. Historically this may have been adequate because the undecided were comparatively small enough to assume that they do not affect the relative proportions of the decided voters. However, in the presence of high numbers of undecided voters, these static rules may in fact bias election predictions from election poll authors and meta-poll analysts. In this paper, we examine the effect of undecided voters in the 2016 US presidential election to the previous three presidential elections. We show there were a relatively high number of undecided voters over the campaign and on election day, and that the allocation of undecided voters in this election was not consistent with two-party proportional (or even) allocations. We find evidence that static allocation regimes are inadequate for election prediction models and that probabilistic allocations may be superior. We also estimate the bias attributable to polling agencies, often referred to as "house effects".Comment: 32 pages, 9 figures, 6 table