Educational Attainment and Family Background

This paper analyses the effect of aspects of family background, such as family income and parental education, on the educational attainment of persons born from 1967 to 1972. Family income is measured at different periods of a child’s life to separate longterm versus short-term effects of family income on educational choices. We find that permanent income matters to a certain degree, and that family income when the child is 0-6 years old is an important explanatory variable for educational attainment later in a child’s life. We find that short-term credit constraints have only a small effect on educational attainment. Long term factors, such as permanent family income and parental education are much more important for educational attainment than are shortterm credit constraints. Public interventions to alleviate the effects of family background should thus also be targeted at a child's early years, the shaping period for the cognitive and non-cognitive skills important later in life.credit constraints; education; Norway; family background

Cultural and educational background of formation of sustainable lifestyle

In the XXI century mankind has approached the global transformation of society, which resulted in creation of a qualitatively new socioeconomic system, which is the knowledge society and the informational society, the foundation of which is the "economy of knowledge." Since the main factor in the formation and development of the "economy of knowledge" is human capital, need for a permanent way of human life gains currency more and more. That is, a way of life, which will provide the usage of the human capital (knowledge and skills) to meet the diverse needs of people who are not putting the state at risk of social, economic and ecological systems of society. When you are citing the document, use the following link http://essuir.sumdu.edu.ua/handle/123456789/3174

Talking about the Pigou Paradox: Socio-Educational Background and Educational Outcomes of AlmaLaurea

Italy has an immobile social structure. At the heart of this immobility is the educational system, with its high direct, but especially indirect cost, due to the extremely long time necessary to get a degree and to complete the subsequent school-to-work transition. Such cost prevents the educational system from reallocating the best opportunities to all talented young people and from altering the "typical" market mechanism of intergenerational transfer of human capital and social status. About ten years after the Bologna declaration and the "3+2" reform of the university system, AlmaLaurea data relative to 2008 shows a framework not much different from that of 2000. This is apparent by looking at the socio-educational background of university graduates. Parents' educational level seems to be the main determinant of the probability to get a university degree and to get it with the highest possible grade. As previous studies have also shown, the effect of the socio-educational background on children success at the university is not direct, but through the high school track. In fact, although any secondary high school gives access to the university, nonetheless lyceums provide students with far higher quality of education than technical and professional schools.intergenerational transfers, human capital, social status, Bologna declaration, "3+2" university reform, AlmaLaurea, Italy

Optimal educational choice and redistribution when cultural background matters

Higher education plays an important role in determining lifetime earnings. In turn, the decision to become educated depends to a large extent on family characteristics, such as wealth and cultural background. In this paper, we focus on the interaction between fiscal policies and educational choices when cultural background matters. We derive optimality conditions for a linear income tax and a lump-sum subsidy for education in a dynamic framework in which generations are linked by cultural background. The factors that determine their sign and magnitude include concerns for redistribution, efficiency, and the educational externality on future generationsOptimal linear income tax, Subsidies, Higher education, Educational background

Educational outcomes and immigrant background

This technical brief aims to answer questions such as: How do the skills and educational outcomes of foreign-born young people compare with those of the native-born? Do immigrants’ outcomes differ depending on whether they are EU foreign-born or non-EU foreign-born? How do the educational outcomes of second-generation immigrants compare with those of first-generation immigrants? How does the performance of recently arrived migrants compare with that of long-established immigrants? and with that of natives? Is there a correlation between educational outcomes and age of arrival or duration of stay? The brief thus seeks to contribute to analysis of the qualifications and skills composition of migrants in EU countries, as compared with that of their native counterparts. We take a life-cycle approach, focusing in turn on children, young adults and the overall working-age population. We start by looking at the skills of 15-year-old pupils. We then move on to the performance of young adults, in terms of a number of education-related indicators: early school leaving (ESL), young people neither in employment nor in education and training (NEETs), tertiary education attainment (TEA) and employment rate of recent graduates. Finally, we present a snapshot of the skills of the adult population. The results show that second-generation migrant students are systematically more disadvantaged than their native peers across EU countries; however, adults who arrived in the country when still young generally perform at levels closer to those of their native counterparts (or at least better than first-generation migrants), showing that education systems (including vocational training) have a key role to play in the integration process. Nonetheless, there still seems to be a significant under-used stock of migrant human capital. Being aware of this situation is crucial to putting in place policies and active measures to ensure that adult migrants are fully integrated.JRC.B.4-Human Capital and Employmen

The Effect of Educational Background on Politeness Among the Students of Stain Jurai Siwo Metro

Humans are social creatures who need other humans to fullfil their needs, communication and interaction have a crucial role to fullfil those needs. In order  to the communication process can proceed smoothly, then at least human need to speak in polite in the communication. Religious norms and the community shows that politeness is necessary to properly maximized. Politeness in the relating of  the Holy Qur\u27an about pronunciation, gestures and vocabulary was polite and adapted to the circumstances (environment). In social life, politeness is usually used to show respect for older people, but it would be better also if used against a fellow or a younger person. Politeness will minimize conflict and hostility. Because of it, the institution is one way of language education. STAIN Jurai Siwo Metro is an Islamic institution, that   students have many educational backgrounds and is so different each other.  Based on the mapping carried out showed that students of English Department Program, the majority coming from Senior High School (SMA).  This study aims to determine the reality of politeness and influence of the educational background to the student politeness in English Study Program STAIN Jurai Siwo Metro. The method used in this research is quantitative descriptive, where interviews, observation and documentation used by researchers in collecting and obtaining data. From the data obtained show that the reality of politeness students have to realize elements of politeness. Furthermore, based on analysis of the data also showed that educational background gives affect student in politeness

Positive but also negative effects of ethnic diversity in schools on educational performance? An empirical test using cross-national PISA data.

In this inaugural lecture, I will estimate the effects on language skills of two characteristics of school populations: average/share and diversity, both on the ethnic and the sociocultural dimension. I will use the cross-national PISA 206 data, for both 15-year-old native pupils and pupils with an immigrant background. A larger ethnic diversity of schools in secondary education hampers the educational performance of both pupils with an immigrant background and native pupils, but the negative effects are smaller in education systems with little stratification and strongest in highly stratified education systems. The sociocultural diversity of schools does not have an effect on educational performance, but these effects are positive in highly stratified educational systems and negative in hardly stratified systems. However, the average parental educational level of schools is very important for the educational performance of children, and this hardly differs between education systems. A higher share of pupils with an immigrant background in a school hampers educational performance, but if these pupils have the same regional origin (Islamic countries; non-Islamic Asian countries), a higher share of pupils with an immigrant background at that school promotes educational performance. Pupils originating from Islamic countries have substantially lower language scores than equivalent pupils with an immigrant background from other regions. This cannot be explained by the individual socioeconomic backgrounds, school characteristics, or education systems.immigration; educational performance; country of origin; ethnic school diversity; social-economic school diversity; ethnic and social-economic share/average of schools; educational systems