嶺南通訊 Lingnan Newsletter (第3期)

https://commons.ln.edu.hk/lingnan_newsletter/1002/thumbnail.jp

明代 古詩 總集的編纂、出版、接受 : 從宏觀角度的考察

近年來，明清時期“古詩”總集的編撰與出版逐漸得到學界注意。多數研究以出版業的興起爲時代背景，檢析一部或幾部重要選本的内容及其所體現的文學觀點。這些考證及研究則爲本文的分析提供了可能與基礎。本文嘗試另闢蹊徑，以副文本(paratext)的閲讀爲中心，兼及文本，從宏觀層面勾勒有明一代“古詩”總集的編撰與出版，以及這類書籍可能的流通與接受之宏觀趨勢。第一部分以筆者檢索書目所累計的條目爲基礎，對先唐詩文集在明代的編纂出版進行量化分析，從而進一步確認明代是先唐詩文集產生的高峰；随後三個部分各以不同的 副文本(paratext)要素爲討論中心：首先，以書名爲中心，對書名加以分組語義詞頻考察，探尋先唐詩類總集的命名策略與所呈現的編纂趨勢；其次，以序言爲中心，管窥總集編纂動機的變化； 然後，以書目爲中心，討論明代這類書的價格、目標讀者、閲讀體驗等。最後，本文將明代古詩總集的產生與發展分爲三個階段， 進而總結出明代古詩總集的編纂、出版、流通在不同時期的特點

翻譯與殖民管治 : 早期香港史上的雙面譯者高和爾 (1816-1875) = Translation and colonial rule : Daniel Richard Caldwell (1816-1875), the duplicitous translator in early Hong Kong history

由於殖民者與被殖民者存在著語言上的隔閡，翻譯往往在殖民管治中扮演十分重要的角色。1842年割讓為英國殖民地的香港，在開埠之初便面對著嚴重的管治問題，其中一個主要原因是港英殖民政府缺乏可堪信賴的雙語人才，能夠處理好殖民者與被殖民者的溝通。本文為一龐大研究計劃「翻譯與香港殖民管治」的部分，透過整理大量原始資料及檔案，重點討論香港開埠初期港英政府裏的一名譯員高和爾（Daniel Richard Caldwell, 1816－1875）。他背景複雜，身份特殊，精通多種語言，儘管最初只是一名寂寂無名的法庭傳譯員，但卻做到法庭沒有他便沒法開庭審案的局面，最終更擢升總登記官以及首任撫華道之職，且遊走於正邪之間，既與上流社會保持密切關係，又跟汪洋海盜相往來。本文分析港英殖民管治初期的特殊政治、文化及語言時空，並闡述作為獨特個案的高和爾，怎樣發揮特殊功能，作出重大的貢獻，也產生深遠影響

[[alternative]]Executive Compensation: Causes and Consequences

計畫編號：NSC94-2415-H032-002研究期間：200508~200607研究經費：402,000[[abstract]]本計劃的目的是分析高階經理人薪酬的成因與後果，將探討二個議題，一是經理人薪酬水準與薪酬變動的決定因素，二是經理人薪酬在公司經營效率中所扮演的角色。在經理人薪酬決定因素的議題上，現有的國內相關研究大多以經理人薪酬水準進行橫斷面分析，不同於此，本計劃擬建構我國經理人薪酬及其決定因素的縱橫面追蹤資料(panel data)，設定嚴謹的計量模型，利用Arellano與Bover (1995)與其他相關學者所提出的估計方法，進行經理人薪酬變動的動態分析，以便更確實瞭解經理人薪酬對於公司績效變化的敏感度。除了實證方法外，在研究假說上，將從三個方面進行與現有國內外文獻不同的分析：其一，也是最重要的，是考慮外部經理人勞動市場(external managerial labor market)所決定的一般酬勞行情如何影響公司經理人薪酬的調整，其二是從策略管理角度考慮公司經理人權衡程度(managerial discretion)對經理人薪酬的效果，其三是檢驗經理人薪酬對於公司特有衝擊(firm-specific shocks)的敏感度。希望藉此對經理人薪酬決定因素提供更健全與充實的研究成果。更進一步，本計劃將運用經濟效率文獻中常使用的隨機邊界法(stochastic frontier approach)，設定隨機邊界生產函數，使用Battese與Coelli (1995)所提出的估計方法，探討經理人薪酬對於公司生產效率(或技術無效率)的影響。這是在國內相關研究中，首次對經理人薪酬在公司長期經營效率中所扮演的角色提出證據，期能對學術研究與實務探討提供建言。[[sponsorship]]行政院國家科學委員

美國資本市場之效率性檢定

[[booktype]]電子

Too intimate to speak : regional cinemas and literatures

In this essay, I look back at a moment in Chinese literature and cinema, the 1930s and 1940s, when writers, filmmakers, and critics were driven by a series of political crises to conceptualize the relationship between “mother language” and “national language” from a very different perspective than Song’s. I do so by scrutinizing film and literary criticisms from this period. A national language, literature, and cinema are not static, unified, and internally coherent entities that naturally subsume their regional counterparts under them. While Putonghua 普通話 (literally, common language) required—and still requires—an ongoing process of putong hua 普通化 (communalization), regional topolects, for the writers, filmmakers, and critics in the 1930s and 1940s, also went through a continuous sociohistorical process of dazhong hua 大眾化 (massification). Massification is not the same as popularization. It implies that language is, by definition, a speech-act, which actively calls a group of individuals into a critical mass (Agamben 2000 [2005], 29–32). In other words, the act of speaking this language actively constitutes a sense of belonging or even sociopolitical consciousness, whilst the language is in itself constituted by this sense of belonging. In my discussion, I demonstrate that in the 1930s, regional speeches and cinemas were considered a liability based on an anxiety about their ability to stimulate the senses in a direct and corporeal manner. In this light, regional speeches were regarded as a threat not only to the constitution of the national language, but also to the nation-state’s power to manage and control its subjects’ bodies and sexualities. In the 1940s, however, such a liability became an asset in the eyes of leftwing literary critics, who promulgated the use of such linguistic power as a revolutionary instrument. Both political positions, I argue, were driven by a presumption that political power—whether constitutional or revolutionary—is instantiated by a direct management or mobilization of the readers or moviegoers not as individual political subjects, but as bare or animal lives that either require state management or can exercise law-making violence to establish a new political order. This debate on regional cinema and literature has been historically configured as an objet petit a that actively puts into question the ontological consistency of the nation-state, especially in a century during which the nation-state was conceptually, juridically, and sociopolitically on the move. Moreover, during this period, migrants from regions including Guangdong 廣東 (Kwangtung), Guangxi 廣西 (Kwangsi), Fujian 福建 (Hokkien), Shanghai 上海, and Beiping 北平 (Peking) moved to Hong Kong, who held mutually conflicting sociopolitical opinions. Yet, most of them settled down in Hong Kong, instead of staying in the Mainland or moving to Taiwan because their personal values did not necessarily conform to the official lines of either the Communist Party of China (CPC) or the Guomindang 國民黨 (Kuomintang, KMT, or Nationalist Party). In this intricate culturo-linguistic environment, Cantonese became not only a technic for communication among linguistically-diverse exiles, but also an instantiation of a difference between these exiles’ sociopolitical position in Hong Kong and their Mainland counterparts (Anon 1948, 4)

Lingnan University annual report : 2008-2009 = 嶺南大學年報 : 2008-2009

https://commons.ln.edu.hk/lingnan_annualreport/1028/thumbnail.jp

Health care vouchers for the elderly and utilization of dental services

Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong Libraries, 2008. Available via World Wide Web.Includes bibliographical references (p. 27).Questionnaire in English and Chinese.published_or_final_versio

Lingnan University annual report : 2009-2010 = 嶺南大學年報 : 2009-2010

https://commons.ln.edu.hk/lingnan_annualreport/1029/thumbnail.jp