Emotion research by the people, for the people

Emotion research will leap forward when its focus changes from comparing averaged statistics of self-report data across people experiencing emotion in laboratories to characterizing patterns of data from individuals and clusters of similar individuals experiencing emotion in real life. Such an advance will come about through engineers and psychologists collaborating to create new ways for people to measure, share, analyze, and learn from objective emotional responses in situations that truly matter to people. This approach has the power to greatly advance the science of emotion while also providing personalized help to participants in the research

Social Software: For the People, By the People

Social networking software is an emergent phenomenon of the information systems landscape whose novelty has ensured that it has largely eluded academic scrutiny. Given that social software is primarily within the province of the young at this stage, a playfully meandering exposition of its definition and quasi-philosophical ramifications will be delivered in essay form

Of the People, by the People, for the People: Critical Pedagogy and Government Information

This chapter focuses on pedagogical frames and techniques that encourage student engagement and problematize the process-and-product model of government information. These strategies reflect four interconnected ideas, namely • that government information is political, • that access to government information is political, • that government information has value both in scholarly contexts and in individuals’ daily lives, and • that we can intervene in the production and dissemination of government information

Counselling for people affected by cancer: the impact outside a healthcare setting

Objectives: Study objectives were to measure the impact of counselling for people affected by cancer outside a national or private healthcare setting, such as a hospital or clinic, following treatment, and shed light on the nuances of this by gender, age and cancer status. Methods: CORE-10 was used to measure psychological distress amongst a practice-based sample affected by cancer including a comparator group of those who had not yet received counselling. Setting: The study was conducted in counselling offices outside a clinical or healthcare setting, both in terms of physical infrastructure, and in terms of funding mechanisms. Participants: 158 participants were selected based on the following inclusion criteria: completion of a full set of CORE-10; having completed six sessions of counselling at the time of analysis. Results: Results show psychological distress improves for all receiving counselling outside a national or private healthcare setting according to the CORE-10 scores. Those ‘affected by cancer’ are initially more distressed and benefit more from counselling than ‘cancer patients’. In comparison with females, male comparator group scores increase (gets worse) between ‘assessment’ and ‘first’ counselling session, before they have received any counselling.Conclusions: The paper concludes that counselling ‘outside’ a healthcare setting appears to be beneficial to anyone diagnosed or affected by cancer. Benefits vary by demographic group and exploring the meaning behind variations requires further, qualitative, investigation

Of the People, By the People, for the People : the Congress, the Presidency, and the Supreme Court in American History

https://digitalcommons.nyls.edu/fac_books/1133/thumbnail.jp

A Government of the People, by the People, for the People? Revisiting Term Limits for Congress and \u3cem\u3eU.S. Term Limits v. Thornton\u3c/em\u3e

Term limits for government officials in this country have a long but inconsistent history. On both the federal level and state levels, proponents of term limits date back to colonial times and maintained an active presence in politics during the first years of the American Republic. The push for federal term limits faded for over a century but reemerged with the ratification of the Twenty-Second Amendment in 1951 and the movement for State-imposed term limits on Congress in the 1990s. While the constitutionality of presidential term limits was decided forty-three years earlier by amendment, the question of whether the States could impose term limits on their own congressional delegates remained unanswered in 1994. Then, the Supreme Court provided an answer in the negative when it decided U.S. Term Limits v. Thornton in 1995. This 5-4 decision held that the States were forbidden from imposing term limits for their own federal Senators and Representatives. Although the ability of the States to enact term limits on Congress appeared to have ended in 1995, paths remain open today for State-imposed congressional term limits to become a reality. This Comment explores several of these paths and the reasons why they should be considered. Both history and modern conditions provide sound justification for why congressional term limits should be revisited today