Stitched Up: Poverty Wages for Garment Workers in Eastern Europe and Turkey

This document is part of a digital collection provided by the Martin P. Catherwood Library, ILR School, Cornell University, pertaining to the effects of globalization on the workplace worldwide. Special emphasis is placed on labor rights, working conditions, labor market changes, and union organizing.CCC_2014_Report_Stitched_Up.pdf: 2134 downloads, before Oct. 1, 2020

Stabilization and association process in the Banlkans : integration options and their assessment

The stabilization and association process launched by the European Union in the aftermath of the Kosovo war in 1999 has created a new policy environment for five South East European countries (SEE-5). In exchange for EU assistance, the prospect of EU accession, and the continuation of preferential access to EU markets, SEE-5 governments have to upgrade their institutions and governance by European standards and engage in mutual regional cooperation, including stability pact member-countries. The authors examine the benefits to SEE-5 of trade liberalization along two dimensions and suggest conditions under which these could be maximized. They argue that the process of regional trade liberalization should be extended to multilateral liberalization, aligning SEE-5 most-favored-nation (MFN) applied tariffs on industrial products with EU MFN tariffs, and that priority be given to structural reforms and regional cooperation aimed at trade facilitation. As inter-industry trade rather than intra-industry trade dominates intra-SEE-5 trade, the potential for expansion in intra-SEE-5 trade is limited at least within the confines of the existing production structures and transportation infrastructure. Therefore SEE-5 free trade agreements are unlikely to contribute to economic growth without concurrent efforts to improve infrastructure, trade facilitation, business, and investment climate, as well as to increase competition from MFN imports to external preferential suppliers through multilateral liberalization.Rules of Origin,Environmental Economics&Policies,Payment Systems&Infrastructure,Economic Theory&Research,Trade Policy,TF054105-DONOR FUNDED OPERATION ADMINISTRATION FEE INCOME AND EXPENSE ACCOUNT,Environmental Economics&Policies,Trade and Regional Integration,Economic Theory&Research,Rules of Origin

From the conservation of genetic diversity to the promotion of quality foodstuff: can the French model of 'Appellation d'Origine Contrôlée' be exported?

"Building on ongoing research, this paper aims at suggesting alternative ways to conventional IPR systems to promote local varieties and related knowledge in developing countries. Many attempts to protect genetic diversity and local knowledge through IPR are in jeopardy because of misunderstanding on the terms of the debate and misrepresentation of the claims and interests of the various stakeholders. The paper then suggests that to improve rural livelihood conditions and promote genetic diversity conservation, it would be more efficient and satisfactory for the parties involved to build on local perceptions of foodstuff production and associated knowledge. It is easier and more feasible to stress the importance of a given know-how in the processing of products from genetically diversified or highly specific resources, than to isolate indigenous or local contributions in the conservation of genetic resources. This simplifies the remuneration issue and reinforces the legitimacy of local claims. Finally the paper discusses the feasibility, expected advantages and drawbacks of an adaptation of the French system of Appellation d'Origine Contrôlée (AOC) — a type of geographical indication of origin — for developing countries.." Author's AbstractGenetic diversity, Food quality, Genetic resources, Conservation, breeders rights, Appellation of origin, Intellectual property rights, TRIPS Agreement,

Cost of Institutional Harmonization in the ENP Countries

This paper analyzes the costs of (partial) institutional harmonization with the EU acquis which countries of the former USSR are expected to conduct under their Partnership and Cooperation Agreements with the EU and European Neighborhood Policy Action Plans. The public sector will have to take an effort of the transposition and adaptation of EU norms, as well as ensuring that they are complied with. Yet, the major part of the adjustment costs will fall on the private sector, as enterprises will have to make substantial investments to comply with new product requirements and business practices. In this study we used the method of extrapolation of average costs for CEE countries' harmonization with acquis to estimate the potential harmonization costs for the neighboring countries based on internationally comparative macroeconomic indicators like sectoral and total value added. This involved estimating the EU pre-accession support for the CEE countries by main areas as a percentage of the total or sectoral value added, determining the expected degree of limited harmonization in the ENP countries and estimating "coefficients of limited harmonization", which was subsequently used for adjustment of the estimated cost of full harmonization.Institutional harmonization, European integration, European Neighborhood Policy (ENP), economic integration, market access.

Oligarchization, de-westernization and vulnerability: media between democracy and authoritarianism in Central and Eastern Europe (a roundtable discussion)

What are the major trends of media change in contemporary Central and Eastern Europe (CEE)? How do these media transformations relate to economic, political, social and cultural currents in the region? After a decade of democratic optimism from the early 1990s to the 2000s, why did democratic media regimes in the region become recently so vulnerable? Why would the level of media freedom and pluralism in the CEE region remain significantly more limited than in Western Europe, despite supposedly shared European values and policies, and EU membership of the countries in the region? What explains variation in the level of media freedom within and across the former communist countries? What are the direct and indirect effects of the global financial crisis on the trends of democratization vs. authoritarianism in CEE? How could eminent newly democratized countries in CEE backslide dramatically to semi-authoritarian hybrid regimes that we usually find in former Soviet Eurasia? How do semi-authoritarian regimes control media in different CEE countries? Also, how could media studies of the region be reinvented to reflect on the shifting geopolitical balance of power, especially the emergence of BRICS, the growing influence of Russia, and the war in Ukraine? What could comparative post-communist media studies add to our analysis and understanding of the new CEE realities? These were some of the questions tackled by a recent public roundtable discussion entitled "Media, Democracy and Authoritarianism in Central and Eastern Europe", held at the Department of Media, Cognition and Communication at the University of Copenhagen on April 24, 2015

On boxes, contents, and users

An important component of the current debate about agriculture trade negotiations is whether further liberalization of trade and agricultural policies may help or hinder food security in WTO member countries. These concerns were formulated first, in Article 20 of the Agreement on Agriculture negotiated during the Uruguay Round, which indicated that negotiations should take into consideration, among other things, "non trade concerns"; and in its preamble, which mentioned as examples of those concerns, "food security and the need to protect the environment". They were also reaffirmed in the Doha Declaration, which declares that "the long-term objective" is "to establish a fair and market-oriented trading system through a program of fundamental reform", and confirmed that special and differential treatment will be granted to developing countries "to effectively take account of their development needs, including food security and rural development". Although the issue of food security and agricultural negotiations within the WTO has been raised both by industrialized ("multifunctionality" of agriculture) and developing countries, the discussion in the case of developing countries has included important policy objectives such as elimination of poverty and hunger (as cause and consequence of food insecurity). Concerned with the effects that further negotiations would have on the attainment of those objectives in poor countries, several developing countries have proposed the creation of a "Development Box" or a "Food Security Box". To contribute to this debate, the paper surveys and discusses in greater detail three main aspects of trade liberalization and food security within the WTO: the adequacy of the current WTO classification of countries according to their food security situation; the policy perspectives in industrialized countries and in developing countries; and the legal issues faced by developing countries. The paper concludes that a better classification is needed within the WTO to target food insecure countries, that many food security concerns can be addressed with specific clarifications and changes in the current language of the AoA, and that although developing countries may not be legally constrained to invest in food security, they lack the financial, human, and institutional resources to do so.World Trade Organization ,Poverty alleviation ,food security ,trade liberalization ,