State of Immigration in a Multicultural Society

This article partially reflects the research supported by JSPS KAKENHI, #17K03572

How Politically Diverse Are the Social Sciences and Humanities? Survey Evidence from Six Fields

In Spring 2003, a large-scale survey of American academics was conducted using academic association membership lists from six fields: Anthropology, Economics, History, Philosophy (political and legal), Political Science, and Sociology. This paper focuses on one question: To which political party have the candidates you’ve voted for in the past ten years mostly belonged? The question was answered by 96.4 percent of academic respondents. The results show that the faculty is heavily skewed towards voting Democratic. The most lopsided fields surveyed are Anthropology with a D to R ratio of 30.2 to 1, and Sociology with 28.0 to 1. The least lopsided is Economics with 3.0 to 1. After Economics, the least lopsided is Political Science with 6.7 to 1. The average of the six ratios by field is about 15 to 1. Our analysis and related research suggest that for the the social sciences and humanities overall, a “one-big-pool” ratio of 7 to 1 is a safe lower-bound estimate, and 8 to 1 or 9 to 1 are reasonable point estimates. Thus, the social sciences and humanities are dominated by Democrats. There is little ideological diversity. We discuss Stephen Balch’s “property rights” proposal to help remedy the situation.academia; diversity; Democratic; Republican; voting; political parties

Consumption and excess in Spanish America (1700-1830)

It may be said without exaggeration, that the finest stuffs made in countries, where industry is always inventing something new, are more generally seen in Lima than in any other place; vanity and ostentation not being restrained by custom or law. With this grand overstatement the Spanish travellers Jorge Juan and Antonio de Ulloa summed up their account of fashion in 1740s Lima. Dress in the capital of colonial Peru, according to these men, differed from that of Europe only in its extravagance. European goods and clothing, they insisted, were widely available, which allowed the ladies of Lima to indulge their immoderate taste for Flemish lace and pearls, to the ruination of their husbands. Such was these women’s passion for finery that they often succumbed to uterine cancer, brought on, the travellers were certain, by ‘their excessive use of perfumes’

The shoals of celebrity

The author recounts his experiences of interacting with Australian politicians, members of the British Royalty and performers while establishing the Australian Studies Centre in London. He narrates incidents which involved his diplomatic skills in humouring celebrities during the process

Escaping Hobbes: liberty and security for our democratic (not anti-terrorist) age

The terms 'liberty' and 'security' are analysed against a background of contemporary concerns about terrorism and the decline of freedom. The influence of Hobbes’s approach to liberty has been pervasive, and the effect of this has been to promote an approach to freedom which has been too willing to sacrifice individual liberty to the needs of the state. Republican attitudes to freedom have been likewise disinclined to allow the individual to get in the way of what the exigencies of the moment demand. The result of these two large-scale and important sets of historical ideas has been a democratic polity (in Britain and the US, but across the world, as well), which has been too consumed with (national) security and not sufficiently alive to the demands either of a broader kind of human security rooted in human flourishing or to the political liberty necessary to its achievement. The essay argues for a new reconciliation between liberty and security based on the language of human rights and manifested in, firstly, a wider approach to security (encompassing social and economic rights) and, secondly, a renewed commitment to the criminal law as the best means available for squaring security from harm with an unequivocal respect for the person, which must always be at the core of any human rights framework

Non Cooperative Games: design of fictitious republic money for exchange control, banking and taxation

'Reality of money' is curiously similar to uncertainty theory of (Heisenberg) quantum physics. To some (natural societies), legitimacy of exchange control is derived by associating it with certain physical significance of 'real' goods. Exchange control is thus decided by producers in commodity exchanges. Others (Republicans of Greek civilization) think, money can be only a symbolic or fictitious unit, and any physical significance attached to it will undermine sanctity (in respect to space and time) of money used as unit for measurement of the prices. Under these circumstances, exchange control is monopoly of republics and debt engine produces competition and enterprises in people. There are two worlds. Performance of markets (Republics vs. Natural Societies) is going to test which of the perspective and understanding are true and for how long. A republic is design of a game of Master and Slaves in creating forces of competition with fictitious (unreal or without physical significance) coupons. This is a human nature that people are excited so much about unreal things and they can always produce any amount of real / natural things or sacrifices to pay for unreal or unknowable. Gaming/ gambling unfortunately uses of this human weakness in making slaves compete among themselves. This article describes design of Republican (Greek civilization) monetary system as a NON CO-OPERATIVE GAMES and how the psychograph of ignorant souls is exploited by the state, and how the mess of economics is successfully able to create a form of criminal peace and prosperity. This article discusses the valuation of prices, unit price or measuring unit for prices, legitimacy of exchange control in markets, invention of commodity exchanges using 'real' money, invention of 'fictitious' money, banking, state monopoly of exchange control and mathematical legitimacy of interests and taxation.liberatarians, free markets, ligitimacy of exchange control, natural thinking on economics, human psychology in economics

2. Establishment of the School

The formal establishment of the New York State School of Industrial and Labor relations grew out of the thoughtful and vigorous action of a unique group of practical politicians who firmly believed, as they stated in their first report, that “Though we may legislate to the end of time, there will never be industrial peace and harmony without good faith, integrity, a high degree of responsibility, and a real desire to cooperate on the part of all parties concerned.

Trust in scientists on climate change and vaccines

On climate change and other topics, conservatives have taken positions at odds with a strong scientific consensus. Claims that this indicates a broad conservative distrust of science have been countered by assertions that while conservatives might oppose the scientific consensus on climate change or evolution, liberals oppose scientists on some other domains such as vaccines. Evidence for disproportionately liberal bias against science on vaccines has been largely anecdotal, however. Here, we test this proposition of opposite biases using 2014 survey data from Oregon and New Hampshire. Across vaccine as well as climate change questions on each of these two surveys, we find that Democrats are most likely to say they trust scientists for information, and Tea Party supporters are least likely, contradicting the proposition of opposite bias. Moreover, partisan divisions tend to widen with education. Theoretical explanations that have been offered for liberal trust or conservative distrust of science in other specific domains such as climate change or environmental protection fit less well with these results on vaccines. Given the much different content of climate change and vaccine issues, the common political pattern appears more consistent with hypotheses of broader ideological divisions on acceptance of science

The Antebellum Political Background of the Fourteenth Amendment

Epps presents information concerning the historical context of the Fourteenth Amendment. Among other implications, the Amendment should be viewed as an effort to defend the national government from control by transient majorities or undemocratic factions in the states