What is politically at stake when citizens of Muslim faith are publicly presented as permanent aliens in contemporary European societies? On what grounds is such exclusion or ‘externalisation’ based? What
requirements can European citizens be reasonably expected to meet? This research analyses the subject of
Muslims’ citizenship in contemporary European societies from the perspective of normative political theory, and
more precisely from the viewpoint of John Rawls’s political liberalism, in particular in light of the idea of public reason. Whilst recent contributions in political philosophy analysing the question of citizenship of Muslims in liberal democracies from a Rawlsian standpoint have mainly focussed on the notion of an overlapping consensus, the implications of the concept of public reason on that same issue are largely unexplored. This study tries to fill
such a gap in the literature. In chapter one, I begin by framing what I call the “background problem” of the research,
namely, the claim that “Islam in Europe makes problem” and its different dimensions. I then reframe the question
under scrutiny by presenting in greater theoretical detail the problem investigated and the main research question:
Which ideal conception of citizenship should provide the common normative perspective in contemporary Western
European societies, which are characterised by both demands of inclusion of Muslims and the need for solving a
problem of mutual assurance concerning citizens’ commitment to shared terms of social cooperation, so that those
societies can be stable for the right reasons? My central thesis is that the idea of public reason provides a common
discursive platform which establishes the ground for both a public political identity for citizens and shared
standards for social and political criticism. I also argue that political liberalism specifies a peculiar evaluative
framework that allows citizens to answer the above-mentioned questions in a distinctively political way. In the
first part, I thus develop my “justificatory evaluative” methodological approach based on public reason (chapter
two). In the second part (chapters three and four), I reconstruct the idea of public reason and specify the
fundamental requirements of the justificatory evaluative approach. In the third part, I firstly attempt to demonstrate
that, with reference to the problem at hand, public reason citizenship is normatively more appealing than two
alternative ideal conceptions of citizenship, namely ‘critical republicanism’ and liberal multiculturalism (chapter
five); secondly, I apply the evaluative framework to the conception of citizenship elaborated by one of the most
renowned Muslim intellectuals in Europe: Tariq Ramadan. The purpose of such evaluation is twofold. Firstly, it
aims at examining whether and how the idea of public reason accounts for a version of European citizenship for
Muslims coming from Muslims themselves. Secondly, it aims at disclosing whether what such a Muslim
conception of citizenship in Europe says about the two dimensions of ‘stability for the right reasons’ of the system
of social cooperation (namely, inclusion and mutual assurance) is consistent with the provisions of public reason
citizenship.What is politically at stake when citizens of Muslim faith are publicly presented as permanent aliens in contemporary European societies? On what grounds is such exclusion or ‘externalisation’ based? What
requirements can European citizens be reasonably expected to meet? This research analyses the subject of
Muslims’ citizenship in contemporary European societies from the perspective of normative political theory, and
more precisely from the viewpoint of John Rawls’s political liberalism, in particular in light of the idea of public reason. Whilst recent contributions in political philosophy analysing the question of citizenship of Muslims in liberal democracies from a Rawlsian standpoint have mainly focussed on the notion of an overlapping consensus, the implications of the concept of public reason on that same issue are largely unexplored. This study tries to fill
such a gap in the literature. In chapter one, I begin by framing what I call the “background problem” of the research,
namely, the claim that “Islam in Europe makes problem” and its different dimensions. I then reframe the question
under scrutiny by presenting in greater theoretical detail the problem investigated and the main research question:
Which ideal conception of citizenship should provide the common normative perspective in contemporary Western
European societies, which are characterised by both demands of inclusion of Muslims and the need for solving a
problem of mutual assurance concerning citizens’ commitment to shared terms of social cooperation, so that those
societies can be stable for the right reasons? My central thesis is that the idea of public reason provides a common
discursive platform which establishes the ground for both a public political identity for citizens and shared
standards for social and political criticism. I also argue that political liberalism specifies a peculiar evaluative
framework that allows citizens to answer the above-mentioned questions in a distinctively political way. In the
first part, I thus develop my “justificatory evaluative” methodological approach based on public reason (chapter
two). In the second part (chapters three and four), I reconstruct the idea of public reason and specify the
fundamental requirements of the justificatory evaluative approach. In the third part, I firstly attempt to demonstrate
that, with reference to the problem at hand, public reason citizenship is normatively more appealing than two
alternative ideal conceptions of citizenship, namely ‘critical republicanism’ and liberal multiculturalism (chapter
five); secondly, I apply the evaluative framework to the conception of citizenship elaborated by one of the most
renowned Muslim intellectuals in Europe: Tariq Ramadan. The purpose of such evaluation is twofold. Firstly, it
aims at examining whether and how the idea of public reason accounts for a version of European citizenship for
Muslims coming from Muslims themselves. Secondly, it aims at disclosing whether what such a Muslim
conception of citizenship in Europe says about the two dimensions of ‘stability for the right reasons’ of the system
of social cooperation (namely, inclusion and mutual assurance) is consistent with the provisions of public reason
citizenship.LUISS PhD Thesi
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