The crisis of democracy has raised a not-entirely understood insidious
conundrum. Namely, democracies cannot avoid electoral results leading
to the power leaders and movements who rise up against their institutions,
and they must be able to cope with them. The trial that politics has placed
before many liberal democracies is this: Will democracies be able to cope
with populist leaders since democracies cannot avoid them?
When we observe electoral outcomes that can be more or less harmful for
democratic institutions, this risk affects each democracy in a different
way. Questions arise about the strength of democracies: Why do
democracies react differently, collapsing or surviving, to similar threats?
Which democracies can better cope with them and why? Little is known
about what causes these differences in democratic strength, on what their
capacity to resist depends, and why it varies so much across countries.
This thesis explores this important grey area in comparative politics.
Reviewing the literature with a need to design a more reliable paradigm
to understand the crisis of democracy, the answers to these questions lead
us to the idea of creating an Index of Democratic Strength in order to
measure the capacity of democracy to withstand threats to its political
identity and institutional integrity.
The Index represents the extent to which democratic institutions can resist
as a kind of litmus paper of the crisis of democracy. Finally, this research
moved from the methodology to the observation of case-studies, covering
three particularly significant examples: United States of America (1993 - 2018), Hungary (1990 - 2014) and Poland (2007 - 2018).The crisis of democracy has raised a not-entirely understood insidious
conundrum. Namely, democracies cannot avoid electoral results leading
to the power leaders and movements who rise up against their institutions,
and they must be able to cope with them. The trial that politics has placed
before many liberal democracies is this: Will democracies be able to cope
with populist leaders since democracies cannot avoid them?
When we observe electoral outcomes that can be more or less harmful for
democratic institutions, this risk affects each democracy in a different
way. Questions arise about the strength of democracies: Why do
democracies react differently, collapsing or surviving, to similar threats?
Which democracies can better cope with them and why? Little is known
about what causes these differences in democratic strength, on what their
capacity to resist depends, and why it varies so much across countries.
This thesis explores this important grey area in comparative politics.
Reviewing the literature with a need to design a more reliable paradigm
to understand the crisis of democracy, the answers to these questions lead
us to the idea of creating an Index of Democratic Strength in order to
measure the capacity of democracy to withstand threats to its political
identity and institutional integrity.
The Index represents the extent to which democratic institutions can resist
as a kind of litmus paper of the crisis of democracy. Finally, this research
moved from the methodology to the observation of case-studies, covering
three particularly significant examples: United States of America (1993 - 2018), Hungary (1990 - 2014) and Poland (2007 - 2018).LUISS PhD Thesi
Is data on this page outdated, violates copyrights or anything else? Report the problem now and we will take corresponding actions after reviewing your request.