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Collective Imaginings in the Interactions of a Lifestyle Migrant Community: Japanese Retirees in Chiang Mai, Thailand
It is increasingly common for elderly persons from relatively wealthy nations to cross borders to seek an enjoyable retirement overseas. This migratory flow can be categorized as a lifestyle migration in which the primary agenda of the migration is to pursue a better quality of life. In migration studies, the newly-arising phenomenon of lifestyle migration has been examined extensively from various perspectives. However, extant studies have not sufficiently delved into relationships within ethnic migrant communities at destinations and what factors are involved in constructing social contacts between migrants from the same country in transnational settings, even though many lifestyle migrants often congregate with persons from the same country and have little interaction with locals in the host society. Drawing upon the data from one year of fieldwork and follow-up interviews with a focus on Japanese lifestyle migrants living in Chiang Mai, Thailand, this article highlights what the author refers to as âcollective imaginings of ethnic members,â which is a key to understanding the dynamics among those members. The term âcollective imaginings of ethnic membersâ refers to the stereotyped representation of a migrating agency, i.e., who are the typical migrants, which is widely acknowledged within an ethnic community. Interacting with postmigration experiences, stereotyped imaginings arise from an assemblage of the global and bilateral histories of sending and receiving societies and structural conditions that enabled migration for self-fulfilment. The author argues that the imaginings powerfully operate to shape communal interactive practices in lifestyle migrant communities. This article suggests that the collective imaginings of ethnic members, rooted in cultural meanings of destinations, are a significant factor in establishing social practices in an ethnic community. The findings encourage scholars to pay close attention to migration tales widely believed within an ethnic community. By doing so, researchers have become able to better understand how dynamics are configured and ordered inside specific ethnic boundaries in relation to a given destination context
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¥ã確ä¿ããããšããŠãããšçµè«ãããThe May 12 Wenchuan Earthquake in 2008 caused enormous damage in the ethnic minority areas in the northwestern part of Chinaâs Sichuan Province. The author started research in 2010 on the Tibetan people in the disaster-affected area of Heishui County with a focus on reconstruction after the Sichuan Earthquake. Through an extensive period of fieldwork, it became clear that in addition to recovery from the disaster, but also a poverty alleviation program implemented since 2013 have resulted in a drastic changes in the daily lives of the Heishui Tibetans, while their own expression of ethnic awareness has become more apparent. One of the reasons for this may be attributable to the promotion of tourism as a means of economic growth, transforming the ethnic minority culture into a resource. At the same time, however, the reality is that the ideology of national unity of the Chinese nation is being strengthened. The purpose of this study is to clarify how the Heishui Tibetans, a sub-group of the Tibetan ethnic group, use their own ethnic status strategically with tourism development as momentum.The author first introduces the âdepoliticizationâ theory of the development of Chinaâs ethnic minorities and its counterarguments to demonstrate the theoretical interest of this paper, followed by a discussion of the historical and cultural context of the complex ethnic affiliations of the Heishui Tibetan people and the basis for focusing the Heishui Tibetans. Shifting the focus to current tourism development, this study then clarifies the strategic use of the ethnic status of the Heishui Tibetan people by referring to case studies of Yangrong, a tourist village, and Red tourism in Heishui County. Finally, the author concludes that the Heishui Tibetan people strategically use their ethnic status to secure political legitimacy so that they can participate in development, demonstrate the authenticity of their ethnic culture, and take part in the ideology of national unity
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ãäžå¿ãšããå®çšæžã§ãã£ãããããŠãä»åã®äŒæ¬èª¿æ»ããã¯ãæ±æžæ代ã«ãããå®å®¶æ§ã®æµè¡ãšãã®åŸåã®äžç«¯ãç解ããããšãã§ãããThe impressive and unique character writing style of Fujiwara Teika (1162â1241), known as Teika-style, was adopted by his descendants and some of his students during the medieval period, but the style was appreciated beyond its framework during the Momoyama and Edo periods. The only classical manuscripts that describe the Teika-style calligraphy are a series of manuscripts called Teikakyo-hitsudo and Teikakyo-hikkankuketsu (collectively referred to as âTeikakyo-hitsudoâ). These manuscripts, however, have not been studied in detail due to the understanding that they are forgeries written under the pseudonym Fujiwara Teika. The manuscripts, while they were considered to be secret copies, were repeatedly copied during the Edo period. Therefore, they are important sources for understanding the process how the Teika-style was accepted during this period.In this paper, the authors research the manuscripts of the Teikakyo-hitsudo, organize them and clarify the actual situation how they spread. First, we compare and contrast the differences between the manuscripts and clarify the lineage and nature of the Teikakyo-hitsudo and the background to the formation of each manuscript based on differences in composition.The manuscripts can be broadly classified into three lines. First, is Lineage I, which is considered to be closest to the original text. Lineage I has a high degree of commonality with the original text in composition, and is accompanied by Iroha-uta at the end, which is considered a model for learning brush strokes. It is also characterized by the fact that it has a postscript by Kobori Enshu and is generally written in Teika-style. Teikakyo-hikkankuketsu is Lineage II, a secondary lineage, which is styled as a forgery entrusted to Teika and with an added fake postscript by Reizei Tamesuke. This manuscript was prepared as if Tamesuke had received the oral tradition from Teika. In place of the Iroha-uta included in Lineage I, text on character composition is added and the text is characterized by a more theoretical nature. The majority of the texts were copied by scholars of Japanese literature in the latter half of the Edo period. Lineage III differs from Lineages I and II in many aspects and is considered to be a group of manuscripts altered in later periods, and may be related to Shokado Shojo (1582â1639) or his disciples.The survey results indicate that the Teikakyo-hitsudo does not appear to date any further back than Kobori Enshu (1579â1647). Both Lineages I and III contain descriptions in common: the manuscripts were handed down by persons involved with tea ceremony such as Kobori Enshu. It is, therefore, highly probable that the manuscripts were prepared in the community around Enshu and were passed down among those who had an understanding of Teika-styleâs scribal method.Lineage II indicates that manuscripts were frequently copied by scholars of Japanese literature in the late Edo period. The authors believe that the style which Teika-style scribers acquired was then passed on to the scholars of Japanese literature as a result of the growing interest in aristocratic traditions and the prevalence of research and examination of related materials in the late Edo period. During the period of the establishment of manuscripts, the Teikakyo-hikkankuketsu was a practical book for writing in Teika-style, but as it was passed on to people who did not actually scribe, its practical aspect faded and the manuscript became more recognized as a treatise. As a result, the Teikakyo-hitsudo was regarded as an incomprehensible book on the secrets of calligraphy.The series of Teikakyo-hitsudo became less visible because of Zokugunsyoruijyu, which scholars of Japanese literature had introduced before the Teikakyo-hitsudo. The Teikakyo-hitsudo, as a matter of fact, was a practical book mainly for Enshu-style tea ceremony practitioners who used the Teika-style. The survey results of the manuscripts help elucidate the popularity of the Teika-style and its trend during the Edo period
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ã®ãŸãŸã®åœ¢ã§äŒæ¿ããããšããéžæãšãäžæ¹ã§ãå€åãå·æ°ãå ããªããäŒæ¿ããããšããéžæã®2ã€ã«ãã£ãŠãªãŒããŒã·ããããšã£ãŠããããšãæããã«ãªã£ããäžåºŠäžæããèžèœãã©ã®ããã«åŸ©æŽ»ããããããããŠåã³äžæã«é¥ããªãããã«ã©ãããã°è¯ãã®ããšããåé¡ãçããæãæ¹ããŠã圱é¿åã®ããå人ã®ãªãŒããŒã·ããã®éèŠæ§ãåèªèããããäžæ¹ã§ãäŒæ¿ã«ãããŠã¯ãå人ã®éžæéãã«ã¯ãªãããå人ã®ãªãŒããŒã·ããã圱é¿ãããªãéšåããŸãååšããããšãæããã«ãªã£ããThe purpose of this paper is to clarify the importance of leadership in the process of reviving the Katsura Rokusai Nenbutsu. To that end, this paper focuses on the leaderâs decisions, which can greatly impact the policies of the preservation organization, programs, and performances and determine how this performing art is revived. The authors assume that the decisions of a leader are driven by his responsibilities; these demonstrate the leaderâs will and ability to lead the organization.This paper investigates the Katsura Rokusai Nenbutsu, which has been passed down in the Katsura area of Kyoto, and Mr. N, who serves as the leader of a preservation organization for Katsura Rokusai Nenbutsu. Rokusai Nenbutsu is a performing art that is said to have been established around the mid-15th century based on the concept of the âSix Ritual Daysâ (âRokusaiâ) from Buddhist scripture and âNenbutsuâ faith. It is performed by chanting a Buddhist prayer while beating drums and gongs. It developed and became a performing art in its own right in the mid-Edo period, incorporating other types of performing arts such as Noh, lion dance, and Gion music. In Kyoto, there are 14 Rokusai Nenbutsu performing groups at present; one of them is the Katsura Rokusai Nenbutsu, which ceased activities for 14 years but resumed in 2019 with the help and support of the Katsura residents. Mr. N, the leader, is a central figure in the management of the preservation organization; furthermore, as one of its experienced members from before the 14-year interruption, he is also one of the people responsible for teaching participants, including children. He was essential to the revival of the Katsura Rokusai Nenbutsu, and his decisions, which can be seen throughout his activities, have greatly influenced its revival and transmission.First, this paper summarizes how the respective individuals were positioned and perceived in theory in the transmission of music and performing arts in ethnomusicology and Japanese folk performing arts research. Next, Mr. Nâs decision to âgo back to the old performancesâ is discussed. In order to find the differences between earlier and current performances, analysis of old sound sources, performances before the 14-year interruption, and current performances was conducted. In particular, how these differences can be attributed to Mr. Nâs decision to âgo back to the old performancesâ was investigated. Furthermore, the authors addressed the reasons and points of view behind some of his decisions, including the revival of programs and creation of new performances and programs. Finally, Mr. Nâs background of and his experiences with Katsura Rokusai Nenbutsu are described in detail.The following three points are presented in this paper. First, Mr. N demonstrated leadership not only through his decisions based on past performances and âgoing back to the old performances,â but also his commitment to passing down changes and to renewal. Second, the leadership of an influential person is particularly important in the face of threats to the continuity of performances and difficulties associated with the desire to pass down a performing art to future generations. Third, in some instances, preservation and revival of the Katsura Rokusai Nenbutsu, however, do not necessarily depend on the decisions of certain individuals and their leadership
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ãšããŠåºãèªèãããããã«ãªã£ãã®ã§ãããIn the 18th century, there was a significant change in the painting manuals compiled by Nanpin School painters: emphasis was placed exclusively on Chinese paintings instead of KanÅ School paintings. These painting manuals were created based on the content and structure of Chinese painting manuals, but also presented new ideas. In particular, Japanese painting manuals published from the late 18th to the early 19th century tended to focus on Chinese painters in Nagasaki. This article focuses on the painting manuals published by Takebe RyÅtai (1719â74) and examines, from the perspective of publishing industry, the position of Chinese painters in Nagasaki such as Li Yongyun and Fei Hanyuan by referring to Ming and Qing paintings that were well-received in the late 18th century.The article concludes that the Chinese painters in Nagasaki became widely recognized and their paintings were studied through inclusion of their paintings in the Japanese painting manuals. There are, however, some discrepancies between the images of these Chinese painters in the manuals and their actual works. The reasons for these discrepancies are attributable to the publishing strategy used in response to the desire among the Japanese for the works of Chinese painters and to promote the author, Takebe RyÅtai, as a painter who was a successor of orthodox Chinese painting. In this way, the Chinese painters in Nagasaki, who were omitted from the history of Chinese Art, became widely recognized in Japan as promoters of the latest Chinese paintings
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ã®èŠç¹ã«å³ããŠç²ŸéæäŸã®å®è·µãç解ããå¯èœæ§ã瀺ãããšãã§ãããThis essay addresses spirit possession practices that have been continuously conducted by Songhay immigrants in the capital city of Mali focusing on the Hauka spirits that appeared during the colonial period. The purpose of this study is to clarify the Songhay immigrantsâ recognition of these spirits and the contexts which are important to them when practicing spirit possession, to construct a theoretical perspective taking into consideration the viewpoints of spirit possession practitioners.The group of spirits called âHaukaâ by Songhay people, which mimic roles and positions in the French colonial system and which are considered as âwhiteâ, has been interpreted in prior studies in relation to the historical context in which followers of the spirits were viewed to be hostile to the political system at that time. However, such interpretations, which place considerable importance on the historical context, do not match practitionersâ conceptions about these spirits in Bamako. In order to establish a theoretical position that may help explore the practitionersâ viewpoints, this paper, referring to basic concepts of the neo-cybernetics, assumes that the spirit possession practices become significant in accordance with the practitionersâ experiences and cognition. From this standpoint, these parctices should be considered as a recursive and autonomous process through which practitioners recreate their own cognitive world.An analysis of Songhayâs worldview and case studies show that Hauka spirits are integrated into practitionersâ worldview in a particular way and are not at all related to the historical context. The analysis and case studies also demonstrate the significance of the following contexts in interactions with Hauka spirits: those relating to the practitionersâ own experiences and those relating to the Songhay worldview characterized by the fact that humans (the Songhay people) and spirits have similar social relations and morality. These contexts are all the more significant in an urban environment, where Songhay immigrants who engage in spirit possession practices are diverse in terms of their native place, residential area, and knowledge and experiences of these practices, since the contexts support the consistence of interactions of each practitioner with mediums and spirits, and the creation of ties between the actors (humans and spirits).This paper, thus, clarifies the contexts that are significant to practitioners and expresses interpretations of their importance in the urban settings, while prior academic literature has attached importance to macro-contexts, such as political situations, and has under-evaluated the practitionersâ viewpoint regarding the new spirits. Therefore, by making a clear distinction between the perspective of the observer and that of the practitioner and considering the context as subjective and correlative in relation to the significance for practitioners, the paper presents the possibility of approaching the practices of spirit possession in a way more matching the viewpoint of the practitioners
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ã§ãã£ããšèšãããThis paper seeks to elucidate the circumstances of early Dutch approaches to Japan between 1603, when the Dutch East India Company first sent a fleet to Asia, and 1609, when the first Dutch ships arrived in Japan.Little research has been conducted on this issue. However, in order to understand the activities of the Dutch trading post in Hirado in the early years, it is important to review the background and circumstances of the Dutch Republicâs initial approaches to trade with Japan.This paper traces the movements of the four East India Company fleets dispatched to Asia during this period, focusing on their relations with Japan. Of these, details of the movements of the three fleets, namely the fleets of Matelief, van Caerden and Verhoeff, which had some connections with Japan are examined. The documents examined include the logbooks of each fleet, letters and memoranda from the admirals, as well as resolutions and directives of the directors (the Heren XVII).A close examination of the circumstances of the Dutch approaches towards Japan revealed the following.The East India Company had already recognised Japan as a possible trading partner as early as the first dispatch of a fleet to Asia, and by drafting a letter to the Japanese sovereign in Mauritsâ name in 1606, had already made preparations for the start of official diplomatic relations. Nevertheless, the East India Companyâs main interest was in spices from the Moluccas and raw silk from China. For the East India Company, Japan was only a secondary destination after acquiring the China trade. Neither Matelief nor van Caerden were in a position to send Dutch ships to Japan, as the Dutch were facing more pressing issues in Asia, such as gaining access to Chinese trade and fighting with Spain and Portugal in Asian waters as part of the war against the Iberian countries.The opportunity to send Dutch ships to Japan in 1609 was triggered by the political situation in Europe. Negotiations for a ceasefire agreement with Spain had begun and it became necessary for the Dutch East India Company to expand its trading base by concluding treaties with as many Asian monarchs as possible before the agreement was concluded. To meet this pressing challenge, the East India Companyâs directors dispatched a directive with the ship the Goede Hoop informing Admiral Verhoeff of the new policy. Upon receipt of the directive, Verhoeff convened an enlarged committee meeting in Bantam, which resolved to dispatch two ships from the fleet that had been on standby in Johor to Japan.As described above, the East India Companyâs first dispatch of ships to Japan was largely due to the situation in Europe, and it can be said that a Dutch factory was established in Japan when the foundation for trade with Japan on the Dutch side was not yet in place