LA UNIÓN EUROPEA COMO POTENCIA NORMATIVA EN UN MUNDO GLOBALIZADO: ¿SUEÑO O REALIDAD?

The European Union (EU) is considered a normative power today. It has achieved a prominent position in international trade and has consolidated itself as one of the main markets worldwide, factors that have allowed it to have a global influence in normative terms, making its norms taken as reference models. The global role of the EU has been analyzed based on its power components and its dimensions of influence, being considered a soft, civil or normative power, mainly due to its ability to influence through persuasion and attraction, rather than coercion. However, the influence of the EU as a normative power, in a globalized and increasingly uncertain world, remains a topic of debate and controversy, as some question whether the EU really has the capacity to influence, in an effective way, the global normative framework. Therefore, the purpose of this writing is to shed light on that debate, with the aim of defining and reflecting the degree of normative influence that the EU has at the international level.La Unión Europea (UE) es considerada, hoy en día, una potencia normativa. Ha logrado una posición destacada en el comercio internacional y se ha consolidado como uno de los principales mercados a nivel mundial, factores que le han permitido tener una influencia global en términos normativos, logrando que sus normas sean tomadas como modelos de referencia. El papel global de la UE ha sido analizado en base a sus componentes de poder y sus dimensiones de influencia, siendo considerada como una potencia blanda, civil o normativa, debido a su capacidad de influir a través de la persuasión y la atracción en vez de con la coerción. Sin embargo, la influencia de la UE como potencia normativa, en un mundo globalizado y cada vez más incierto, sigue siendo un tema de debate y controversia, ya que algunos cuestionan si realmente la UE tiene la capacidad de influir, de una manera efectiva, en el marco normativo global.  Por ello, el propósito de este escrito es dar luz a ese debate, con el objetivo de definir y reflejar el grado de influencia normativa que tiene la UE a nivel internacional

¿Puede construirse un sistema de responsabilidad precontractual? Análisis de los deberes precontractuales y las consecuencias jurí-dicas derivadas de su infracción

Since the United Nations Convention on Contracts for the International Sale of Goods (1980) the dogmatic model of contractual liability adopted is based on a unitary concept of breach of contract, which includes all its possible manifestations, and on this basis, it provides a set of remedies to protect the non-breaching party. He can: claim performance, terminate the contract, claim damages, claim a reduction of the price or withhold his own performance. However, precontractual liability is addressed by topos, so this paper arises the possibility of organizing precontractual liability systematically.A partir de la Convención de Viena sobre Compraventa Internacional de Mercaderías (1980) el modelo dogmático de responsabilidad contractual adoptado se asienta sobre un concepto unitario de incumplimiento, que comprende todas sus manifestaciones posibles, y, sobre el mismo, articula una serie de remedios (la pretensión de cumplimiento, la reducción del precio, la resolución del contrato, la indemnización de daños y la suspensión del cumplimiento), de forma que esta queda sistematizada. Sin embargo, la responsabilidad precontractual se aborda en nuestro sistema de forma tópica; se ofrece una solución para cada grupo de casos. En este contexto, el trabajo se pregunta por la posibilidad de construir un sistema de responsabilidad precontractual

Un enterramiento femenino en decúbito prono del Primer Período Intermedio hallado en el yacimiento del templo funerario de Tutmosis III en Luxor

To the north of the perimeter wall of the mortuary temple of Thutmose III in Luxor, a rocky promontory was excavated that preserves small tombs from the First Intermediate Period and early Middle Kingdom. In 2018, at the base of this promontory, the partially mummified corpse, probably by natural processes, of a woman was found. She had been placed in a prone position, with stones on top of the wooden coffin and with a small mound of stones on top of the burial. Tombs with these characteristics are atypical in the funerary world of Pharaonic Egypt and, according to ancient beliefs, may represent fear of certain deceased peopleAl norte del muro perimetral del templo funerario de Tutmosis III en Luxor, se excavó un promontorio rocoso que conservaba pequeñas tumbas del Primer Período Intermedio y comienzos del Reino Medio. En el año 2018 fue encontrado, en la base de este promontorio, el cadáver en parte momificado, probablemente por procesos naturales, de una mujer que había sido colocado en posición prono, con piedras sobre el ataúd de madera y con un pequeño túmulo de arena y piedras sobre el enterramiento. Tumbas con estas particularidades son atípicas en el ámbito funerario del Egipto faraónico y, según antiguas creencias, pueden significar temor ante determinados difunto

Sanz Mínguez, C. y Pinto Sanz, J. (eds.) (2024): Pintia. Joyas de vidrio para la eternidad

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Del conflicto del Beagle a la Guerra de Malvinas: aportes para una perspectiva comparada de la cuestión austral (1978-1982)

The southern question refers to the disputes over the control of island territories to the south of the American continent and is part of the historical struggles for dominance of interoceanic confluences, particularly between the Atlantic and the Pacific. Historically, there have been two sovereignty conflicts that have acquired relevance due to their strategic location and their implications for Antarctic claims: the Beagle Channel and the Malvinas archipelago and the Georgias and South Sandwich Islands. The Beagle Channel is a maritime passage located at the southern tip of America, specifically south of the island of Tierra del Fuego, which connects the Atlantic and Pacific oceans. Together with the Strait of Magellan and the Drake Passage, this channel constitutes one of the strategic natural passages between both oceans. The sovereignty dispute over three islands (Lennox, Picton and Nueva) located between the eastern mouth of the Beagle and Cape Horn, and the possible projections of jurisdiction over the territorial sea from their coasts in the Atlantic Ocean —with their respective implications in the dispute over Antarctica— has formed one of the main points of discussion between Argentina and Chile regarding the delimitation of their borders in the southern seas. For its part, the dispute over the Malvinas Islands, since the British usurpation in 1833, has had a significant impact on Argentina, especially throughout the 20th century when the historical claim of sovereignty became over time a people´s cause, transversal to various political, intellectual, cultural and social currents. In that long journey, the “Malvinas cause” acquired greater notoriety, especially after its treatment since the beginning of the sixties within the United Nations Organization (UN), as a result of which its General Assembly approved, at the end of 1965, the famous resolution 2065/XX. In it, like the dispute over the Rock of Gibraltar, the Malvinas were framed as a case of colonialism as a “non-autonomous territory pending decolonization” and Argentina and the United Kingdom were urged to establish bilateral negotiations to resolve the sovereignty dispute, taking into account the recommendations of the UN Decolonization Committee and the “interests” of the population of the Malvinas Islands. Both conflicts constitute long-lasting disputes and have affected Argentina\u27s international relations with Chile and the United Kingdom. Likewise, due to their geopolitical relevance and their influence on the discussion on the Antarctic territories, they remain fully valid in the 21st century. Besides, one of the particularities that both conflicts share is that it was during the civil-military dictatorship that governed Argentina between 1976 and 1983 when they were deployed in the military field: the discussion over the Beagle was on the verge of becoming an armed conflict with Chile towards the end of 1978 and the recovery of the Malvinas Islands on April 2, 1982 led to an international war when the United Kingdom launched a military reconquest of its colonial enclave. Both the diplomatic and military escalation through the Beagle and the recovery of the Malvinas, from the point of view of the dictatorship\u27s intentions, had the objective of legitimizing the military regime and the Armed Forces as the representatives of the nation and the aspirations for sovereignty of Argentine society. However, each of these war episodes unfolded in a different political context. The Beagle conflict was promoted at a time when military power was strengthened based on its repressive policy but, at the same time, maintained strong tensions with the United States; the regime\u27s intention was to give continuity to its project, after dismantling political, union and social organizations through state terrorism. The recovery of the Malvinas, for its part, was carried out in a scenario of internal legitimacy crisis, a product of the economic crisis and growing social and political resistance, along with greater alignment with the northern country at the international level. The South Atlantic War, popularly known as the Malvinas War, faced Argentina against the United Kingdom, which had the support of the United States. This armed conflict had profound consequences and has become a controversial episode in recent Argentine history. This is because the historic demand for national sovereignty configured as a people´s cause has been intertwined, for more than forty years, with an initiative of that dictatorship and with the consequences of the war in which the conflict led. In this complexity that permeates the event, and in its implications, its potential is condensed to understand symbolic, social and political disputes that shape representations of the Argentinian past, the construction of national identity and the sovereignty challenges of the present. At the same time, this war acquired novel characteristics as a historical event: it was the only war conflict of the 20th century in which Argentina starred as one of the contending states; the initiative to recover the islands, after one hundred forty-nine years of British usurpation, aroused enormous popular support; civilian men participated in this war as conscript soldiers, mostly born between 1962 and 1963; and, although the dictatorship was already in crisis, the surrender in Malvinas was one of the factors that precipitated the democratic opening, until then denied by the military leadership. It should be noted that, from the political and social point of view, although both episodes mentioned found significant support, the fight in defense of sovereignty over the Malvinas Islands acquired enormous legitimacy as a result of its broad and transversal roots as a national cause and as a people´s cause in Argentine society, despite the dictatorial context. In this article, we address a comparative analysis of both conflicts, taking into account a set of dimensions: geopolitics and the international context of each of them; the Argentine national situation in political, economic and social terms, including the internal disputes between the different sectors of the military front that headed the dictatorship and its consequences in the military development of the conflicts; and the various social, intellectual and political attitudes that came into play in each of these two episodes. To do this, from a sociohistorical approach and taking into account the contributions from the field of International Relations, we succinctly present the main characteristics of both conflicts in the first two sections and then, in the third, we display a set of contributions for a comparative analysis. The article closes with final reflections that highlight the potential of the comparative perspective for the analysis of these episodes. In this way, we seek to contribute to a greater understanding of the international relations and conflicts between Argentina, Chile and the United Kingdom around the dispute of the southern question.La cuestión austral articula una serie de disputas por el control de territorios insulares al sur del continente americano y forma parte de las históricas luchas por el dominio de las confluencias interoceánicas, en particular entre el Atlántico y el Pacífico. Por su ubicación estratégica, el Canal de Beagle y el archipiélago de las Malvinas y las islas Georgias y Sándwich del Sur, revisten una relevancia geopolítica que mantiene su vigencia en pleno siglo XXI. Asimismo, las pugnas por su control se vinculan con sus respectivas implicancias en los actuales reclamos antárticos. Las disputas de soberanía de la Argentina con Chile por tres islas en el Canal de Beagle y con el Reino Unido de la Gran Bretaña por los archipiélagos del Atlántico Sur configuran querellas internacionales de larga duración. No obstante, una de sus particularidades en común radica en que fue durante la dictadura cívico-militar que gobernó la Argentina entre 1976 y 1983 cuando estos conflictos se desplegaron en el terreno militar: la discusión por el Beagle estuvo a punto de coagular en un enfrentamiento armado con Chile hacia fines de 1978 y la recuperación de las Islas Malvinas el 2 de abril de 1982 derivó en una guerra internacional cuando el Reino Unido se lanzó a reconquistar militarmente su enclave colonial. En este artículo, abordamos un análisis comparativo de ambos conflictos, atendiendo a un conjunto de tres dimensiones: las implicancias geopolíticas y el contexto internacional de cada uno de ellos; la situación nacional argentina en términos políticos, económicos y sociales, incluyendo las disputas internas entre los distintos sectores del frente militar que encabezaba la dictadura y sus consecuencias en el desenvolvimiento militar de los conflictos; y las diversas actitudes sociales, intelectuales y políticas que se pusieron en juego ante cada uno de estos dos episodios. Para ello, desde un enfoque sociohistórico y atendiendo a las contribuciones del campo de las Relaciones Internacionales, presentamos sucintamente las características principales de ambos conflictos en las dos primeras secciones y luego, en la tercera, desplegamos un conjunto de aportes para un análisis comparativo. El artículo se cierra con reflexiones finales que subrayan la potencialidad de la perspectiva comparada para el análisis de estos episodios. De ese modo, buscamos aportar a una mayor comprensión de las relaciones internaciones y conflictos entre la Argentina, Chile y el Reino Unido en torno a la disputa de la cuestión austral

L’elisir d’amore: el vino como elemento genérico-estructural de la picaresca (I)

This paper studies the presence of wine in Spanish picaresque literature and attempts to analyze its importance both in the particular configuration of each novel and in the development of the literary genre. This analysis is followed by some theoretical reflections on the problem of delimiting the picaresque genre.Este trabajo estudia la presencia del vino en la literatura picaresca española y trata de analizar su importancia tanto para la configuración particular de cada novela como para el desarrollo del género literario. Tras el análisis se realizan algunas reflexiones teóricas en torno al problema de delimitación del género picaresco

La teoría queer/cuir y feminista interseccional en los procesos migratorios: Las identidades de género y sexualidades en la movilidad transnacional

The analysis of migration from a feminist perspective highlights the intersection of gender, class, race, and legal status in shaping the experiences of women and queer migrants. Transnational migration policies and their securitization practices often overlook women as social agents and instead treat migrants as a homogenous, male-centered group. This oversight leads to a failure in addressing the unique vulnerabilities women face, exacerbating the inequalities that already exist between male and female migrants. International human rights agreements are frequently ignored in favor of policies that emphasise security over humanitarian concerns. Many migrants flee their home countries due to persecution, violence, and poverty, but are met with suspicion and control at the borders of wealthier nations. Women and queer migrants, in particular, face additional layers of vulnerability, as their identities, sexualities and gender play a crucial role in shaping their experiences in a world where several hierarchies still hold significant influence. Moreover, queer and non-binary individuals encounter even greater risks, as they do not fit into the traditional norms governing many societies, adding further complexity to their migration journeys. The concept of transnationalism reshapes how we view migration and migrant identities. Migrants are not merely moving from one place to another; they maintain connections with their homeland while navigating new environments. This transnational identity challenges conventional understandings of race, class, and ethnicity, which permeate both social science discourse and public perception. In this context, identity becomes a site of struggle, influenced by global capitalism and the structures that oppress and victimise migrant women and queer migrants, rendering them invisible within power dynamics. Therefore, intersectionality is a key framework for understanding the complex layers of oppression that queer migrants, among others, face. Gender, race, sexual orientation, legal status, and economic class intersect to create a matrix of discrimination, where different experiences of marginalisation overlap and shape individual realities. Feminist scholars argue that the interrelation of these factors must be central to any policy discussion or intervention concerning migration. Besides, the feminist lens highlights the failures of current policies and migration regimes that often perpetuate inequality rather than address the root causes of migration. In Europe, the migration debate is dominated by security concerns rather than human rights. Feminist and postcolonial studies critique the discourse that frames migration as a threat, often associating it with criminality and social dysfunction. This narrative justifies the development of restrictive policies, such as border controls and measures aimed at preventing migration by addressing its root causes in migrants’ countries of origin, like poverty and violence. These efforts, however, are criticised for their limited scope and their failure to address the structural inequalities that push people to migrate. A feminist approach also advocates for policies that do not seek to restrict migration but instead ensure that migration occurs under conditions of equality and respect for human rights. Countries, particularly in Europe, have signed international treaties committing them to uphold human rights standards. However, their migration policies often emphasise national sovereignty over the rights of migrants, further marginalising those already vulnerable. This tension between national interests and human rights is central to debates about how migration is managed globally. Feminist scholars argue for policies that strike a balance between national sovereignty and the protection of migrants’ rights. Ensuring that migrants can maintain their identity and sense of belonging is crucial, as current narratives often portray migration as a problem or threat. This portrayal, combined with the conditions of inequality under which many South-North migration flows occur, contributes to the stigmatisation of migrants. The history of migration policies shows how the perception of migrants has evolved over time. States, as key players in the international system, have approached migration either as a security issue or in response to labor market needs. Migration policies and international regimes are not neutral; they create categories and hierarchies that differentiate between desirable and undesirable migrants, often based on their legal status. This stratification of rights leads to new forms of inequality and reinforces existing social, economic, and political inequalities. At the global level, institutions like the International Organisation for Migration (IOM) promote a migration management regime that blends security concerns with human rights and development. This approach aims to control migration flows and borders, while also addressing the rights of migrants. However, critics argue that migration management is not an alternative to securitisation but rather complements it, as both approaches prioritise state security over the rights and dignity of migrants. The feminist critique of migration policies points to the need for a shift in how migration is understood and managed. Rather than treating migration as a problem to be solved through security measures, feminist perspectives emphasise the importance of addressing the inequalities that underlie migration flows. The focus should be on creating conditions that allow for equitable migration, where human rights are respected and migrants are not treated as threats, criminals or undesirables. In particular, the feminist lens highlights the importance of gender in shaping migration experiences. The migration process differs significantly between men and women, with women often facing greater risks and challenges. In countries like Spain, discriminatory practices against queer migrants and women, especially those in irregular legal situations, persist. These practices violate human rights and prevent migrants from fully exercising their rights as citizens. The discourse around migration often portrays migrants as unwanted, illegal, or criminal, which reinforces stereotypes and justifies exclusionary policies. Feminist scholars challenge this narrative, arguing for a more inclusive and nuanced understanding of migration that takes into account the diverse experiences of migrants, particularly women. By focusing on the intersection of gender, race, class, and legal status, feminist perspectives offer a more comprehensive framework for understanding migration and developing policies that promote equality and justice. In conclusion, migration policies need to move beyond securitization and control. Feminist perspectives advocate for a rights-based approach that considers the complex realities of migrant women and other marginalised groups. By addressing the structural inequalities that drive migration and ensuring that migrants can move freely and with dignity, we can create a more just and equitable global system. The challenges posed by migration are not insurmountable, but they require a fundamental shift in how we think about borders, security, and human rights.Este artículo constituye un análisis teórico en profundidad que versa sobre la manera en la que la teoría queer y feminista interseccional influyen en el estudio de los procesos migratorios internacionales. Desde esta óptica, se van a cuestionar los regímenes migratorios y las intrínsecas relaciones de poder, dominio y opresión subyacentes. Se centra en cómo las identidades de género y sexualidades disidentes interactúan con las estructuras de poder en la movilidad transnacional, a la vez que aparecerán distintos interrogantes acerca del papel de estas en los procesos migratorios, destacando la necesidad de repensar las nociones fijas de identidad. Las investigaciones recogidas critican las categorías estáticas y señalan que las migrantes queer constituyen sujetos imposibles, cuyas historias desbordan las estructuras normativas, lo que revela cómo los regímenes de poder y conocimiento restringen ciertos grupos, y cómo los individuos negocian o resisten estas limitaciones. Las teorías queer y el feminismo interseccional ofrecen una perspectiva crítica sobre el poder y la dominación. Estas teorías critican la arraigada institución que conforma la familia cisheteronormativa como núcleo de las redes transnacionales, a la vez que desafían las nociones tradicionales de género y sexualidad, argumentando que las identidades de género y las relaciones sociales son fluidas y cambiantes, en lugar de invariables, estáticas o esencialistas. Mahler y Pessar van a conceptualizar el género como un proceso, no como una categoría rígida, lo que permite una visión más dinámica de las experiencias migratorias en este caso concreto, mientras que la epistemología queer, aplicada al estudio de las migraciones, aporta un enfoque que cuestiona asimismo las normas heteronormativas. Manalansan va a hacer hincapié en cómo las migraciones están impulsadas por el deseo de explorar identidades sexuales disidentes, entre otras motivaciones. Las feministas post/decoloniales, interseccionales y postestructuralistas han desafiado las jerarquías basadas en sexo/género, raza y clase, y su enfoque crítico ha influido profundamente en el ámbito de los estudios migratorios. La interseccionalidad, entendida no solo como un concepto sino como una aproximación metodológica, permite examinar cómo las múltiples dimensiones de opresión interactúan en la experiencia migratoria. Por lo tanto, el estudio de la migración desde una perspectiva interseccional se entiende como una categoría de práctica social que refleja interacciones complejas entre género, raza, clase y poder. Simone Prodolliet subraya la importancia de visibilizar y denunciar las dimensiones de poder en las relaciones de género dentro de los procesos migratorios, analizando la construcción de las masculinidades y feminidades. Integrar estudios migratorios y queer implica no solo investigar las migraciones de personas con sexualidades no normativas, sino hacerlo desde un enfoque que critique las instituciones sociales que disciplinan la sexualidad. Así, se cuestionan los regímenes de migración que perpetúan desigualdades, y se busca transformar las relaciones de poder que generan regímenes de vida y muerte desiguales a múltiples escalas. Con todo, el objetivo del artículo acentuadamente teórico reside en poner en diálogo y contrastar obras clave sobre feminismos críticos, interseccionalidad y teorías queer, explorando su entrelazamiento con los estudios migratorios y su potencial para replantear debates actuales en este ámbito

Perspectiva queer de feminismos diaspóricos y decoloniales: sobre, contra y más allá de las fronteras

In this queering decolonial feminist co(w)riting we bring to text a plural voice making of the philosophies and dark wisdoms emergent when queer decolonial feminist diasporic migrant/refugee (non)subjects speak in their/our own terms. We speak from the pluralities of the exteriority of (non)being and t)race of the “hieroglyphics of the flesh” (Spillers, 1987) as the attempted destruction of the racialized (M)other through blanqueamiento as onto-epistemological project of anti-life in nation-state/governance formation and (re)production. We bring to text the markings of the violating onto-epistemological intimacies of the frontier in the interstices of our everyday subjectification as/to flesh.  We thus centre the impossibilities of belonging, homecoming and sanctuary within the logics and (ir)rationalities of the modern/colonial heteropatriarchal capitalist state and its violent (re)production of our dispossession and exile. Yet we cannot stay in this place for this leaves us bereft reducing us to violation and re-thinigification, spoken as merely this violation. Instead and beyond, we move towards an affirmative presence of exteriority. Here we commit to an epistemological-political praxis in-relation to speak our poetics of that which escapes. We (w)rite as relationality, word and being-knowing as metaphor, myth, onto-epistemological materiality the re-membering of the plurally sided survivance and dark wisdoms (Hill Collins, 1991) of the impurity of our queer racialized and feminised lineages. We poetically travel and dance with our own plural and complex lineages beyond their banishment and negation inherent to many renditions of queer migrations and homecoming and making of homeplace (Wilderson, 2013; Bolaki, 2011; Motta, 2013, 2014, 2017, 2018, 2022c; Lorde, 1982). We also move in, against and beyond the concept of solidarity (Ponce, 2015; Fellner and Nossem, 2018) as means of embodying relationalities across plurality and difference from exteriority and between those of us inhabiting the borderlands of (non)being as queer racialized and feminised migrants and refugees. We thus articulate a kinship (m)otherwise weaved through and as the erotic in which we poeticise (non)being and the pluralities of home as/and world-making (Gonzalez et al., 2023). We build on the shoulders of queer kin who queer reading and(w)riting through embodied and located modes of producing text in a form that is both a radical relation and radical refusal (Cannon, 2018). We poetizar la vida through an erotic and dignifying poetics of meaning-making as world-creating, against and beyond the frontiers of reason, right, (political)subjectivity, desire, intimacy and love of (settler)coloniality. Our (w)riting then is a form of queer decolonial feminist resistances and survivance. Our texts are not mere representations but enfleshed cosmopolitics of subjects-in-relation who disrupt and burlarse of the codifications and containments of the frontier and its thingi-fication as it attempts to assimilate and annihilate our poli and trans being-knowing in and as the world. We do this for us, and our struggles and yearnings for plural in relation homeplace and sanctuary. In our case, that is Suman and I, queer poetry is our shared tongue of the poetics of this, our, erotic medicine-making methodology. This allows us to touch our tears and prepares us to fight against the onto-epistemological war declared against us again and again, day after day. Our queer diasporic feminist decolonising art sharpens our weapons of self-care and sovereignties (m)otherwise. Queer poetry and poetics implores us to take the time to listen to each other and to together decipher the indecipherable. This assists in collective pluridiverse self/other healing and/as homecoming. For us, poetry is a poetics that has the potential to bring into being both a speaking truth to power, in joyful defiance, and a form of poetizando la vida so that we might birth into be-ing becoming multiple world-making futurities.En este (esc)rito colectivo, feminista, decolonial y queer, llevamos al texto una voz plural que hace emerger las filosofías y las sabidurías oscuras cuando los (no-)sujetos migrantes o refugiados diaspóricos, feministas, decoloniales y queer pueden expresarse en sus/nuestros propios términos. Nos pronunciamos desde las pluralidades de la exterioridad del (no-)ser. Posicionamos la imposibilidad de pertenecer, de regresar a casa y de encontrar refugio en el centro de las lógicas e (ir)racionalidades del estado capitalista heteropatriarcal contemporáneo/colonial y su violenta (re)producción de nuestro expolio y exilio. Poetizamos la vida mediante una poesía erótica y dignificante, sobre la creación semántica como confección del mundo, desafiando y trascendiendo las fronteras de la razón, del derecho, de la subjetividad (política), del deseo, la intimidad y el amor del colonialismo (invasivo). Nuestro ritual de escritura es, pues, una forma de resistencia y supervivencia queer, decolonial y feminista. Nuestros textos no son meras representaciones, sino la encarnación de una cosmopolítica sobre sujetos interrelacionados, que trastocan y se burlan de las codificaciones y las contenciones de la frontera y su cosificación al tratar de asimilar y aniquilar nuestro conocer-ser diverso y trans, tanto en el mundo como siendo parte de él. Lo hacemos por nosotros, por nuestras luchas y anhelos a favor de un pluralismo en relación con el hogar y el refugio. Invitamos a que observéis a los abajocomunes queers de los manglares, en comunión erótica, partiendo de las pluralidades de nuestro (no-)ser, en el cual poder crear relaciones alternas, que sean productoras de amor

Editorial Número 59

Editorial Número 59Editorial Número 5

TRATAMIENTO DE DATOS PARA CREDIT SCORING Y USO SECUNDARIO DE DATOS. EXAMEN DESDE LA PRESUNCIÓN DE COMPATIBILIDAD DEL ART. 5.1.B RGPD

The analysis of the borrower\u27s creditworthiness through credit scoring models is a legal obligation for credit institutions when granting loans. These institutions comply with this requirement by carrying out solvency profiling of their customers, which will entail the processing of personal data subject to the GDPR. Therefore, the correct identification of the purpose of the processing will make it possible to define the possibilities for processing the data and the secondary uses that credit institutions may make of them. The regulatory analysis of the issue leads to defining the purpose of the processing in a broad sense as the assessment of creditworthiness for the prevention of over-indebtedness and the maintenance of the health of the financial market. This will have an impact on subsequent uses which may be considered compatible. This could allow credit institutions to increase the range of possible processing of these data.El análisis de la solvencia del prestatario a través de modelos de credit scoring se presenta como una obligación legal de las entidades de crédito para la concesión de préstamos. Estas entidades dan cumplimiento a dicha exigencia realizando perfilados de solvencia de sus clientes, lo que supondrá un tratamiento de datos personales sujeto al RGPD. Por ello, la correcta identificación de la finalidad del tratamiento permitirá definir las posibilidades de tratamiento de los datos y los usos secundarios que las entidades de crédito podrán darles. El análisis de la cuestión conduce a definir la finalidad del tratamiento en sentido amplio como la de evaluación de la solvencia para la prevención del sobreendeudamiento y el mantenimiento de la salud del mercado financiero. Ello proyectará sus efectos en los usos ulteriores susceptibles de considerarse compatibles, cuestión que podría permitir a las entidades de crédito aumentar el espectro de tratamientos posibles de estos datos