University of Utah E Publications

Fourth annual issue of Undergraduate Journal on Contemporary Issues and&nbsp;Medi

Morrow, Anne

UJCIM Vol. 4

Takeuchi, Masaki

Matsuura, Kenjiro

English

A study on the integrated street design connecting the university campus and surrounding area -in case of second engineering of the University of Tokyo and Midoricho Japan-

Küçük Çalışkan, E.

Kubat, Ayse Sema

ISUF 2020: CITIES IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY   POLICIES AND FACTS FOR MEGA-URBANIZATION: MIDDLE AND OUTER FRINGE BELT DEVELOPMENTS OF ISTANBUL Ezgi Kucuk Çaliskan, Urban and Regional Planning PhD Candidate, Istanbul Technical University, Turkey Ayse Sema Kubat, Professor at Faculty of Architecture, Department of Urban and Regional Planning, Istanbul Technical University, Turkey  ABSTRACT Istanbul has been remaining on the agenda as being an over-capacity city among the other biggest developing world cities since last few decades. As a consequence of having a centuries-old historical background, the massive and uncontrolled urbanization and ongoing population movement, Istanbul becomes quite complex to plan sustainably. The morphological units, as main subjects of the city development, should be understood through elaborated analyses for managing and monitoring urban development and discussing planning methodologies for mega-cities. This research carried out to introduce inner, middle and outer fringe belt developments of Istanbul based on morphological periods of the city. The priority is given to middle and outer fringe belts of Istanbul to address the urban growth in terms of mega projects. The fringe belts of an industrial district, namely Kartal, is analyzed as a case of sub-center evolution in Istanbul. It is found that the city came to be in a dramatic transformation period due to the lack of morphological perception. The findings of the study reveal that fringe belts must be recognized within the processes of urban policy making and planning for the mega-cities with historical heritage and natural resources. The study concluded with further questions to complete the research. Keywords: Fringe belts, fixation lines, urban development, urban policies, Istanbul INTRODUCTION  This research, as a part of an ongoing PhD thesis studying by the author, aims to analyze fringe belt development of the city of Istanbul and understand how urban policies effects fringe belts in İstanbul. Through the fringe belt analyses of Istanbul, it is expected to understand the urban growth dynamics of the mega-city. Regarding, the following questions are asked in terms of the research: Istanbul has a linear growth structure with metropolitan features, thus what are the points where the characteristics of Istanbul’s fringe belts intersect and/or specialize with the existing fringe belt concept? BACKGROUND Istanbul is a mega city with a population approaching to16 million. The city became center for Roman, Byzantine and Ottoman empires. After 1930’s, in Turkish Republic period, the city planned by European architects and urban planners as a result of a modernization movement. The rapid urbanization in Istanbul transform the city as a platform for urban policies. After 1980’s the city has expanded in east and west direction. North of the city remained as forest areas until 2000’s. With three Bosporus bridges, the dense urbanization of the city accelerated. Istanbul has moth traditional and modern features of a city for a developing country. Today, as a mega city as being 1 in 3 of Turkey’s economy and having 50% of imports and exports of Turkey, Istanbul becomes a complex city to read morphologically. Having many sub centers, the city requires a collective study in terms of urban morphology. 2 ISUF 2020 Cities in the Twenty-first Century THEORY AND METHODOLOGY Urban morphology is a field of study that examines the parts of the cities form and their relationship with the whole. Urban morphology studies, which started to develop through the concepts and research methods created by M. R. G. Conzen on the old English cities, continued with the orientation of the English, Italian and French schools in different fields and spreading to all over the world with new studies of new urban morphology networks. The fringe belt theory is one of the leading areas of the studies that make up the urban morphology literature, with its structure descending from the large scale analysis to the parcel scale. It includes an inclusive theory, which, while gaining priority in the work of the British school, is not sharply separated with other schools. This theory first emerged with Louis's work on the city of Berlin in 1936. It has been studied by M. R. G. Conzen and has been a morphology study area developed by other researchers working in the field of urban morphology, especially Whitehand and M. P. Conzen. The concept has been developed with the research carried out by Conzen on the old English cities since the 1960s. The fringe belt represents the areas that are seen on large and affordable parcels. After the saturation reached in the residential area of the city, especially with the deterioration of its economic conditions, the fringe belts forming the heterogeneous urban textures formed on the regions with low land value in the city walls are also the regions that reveal the historical development of the cities. Movements of private capital are limited during periods of economic stagnation or crisis. However, public investments are more advantageous in this period. Therefore, many public investments, which require large-scale land, find their place in these suitable areas in the city walls. The same applies to private sector investments seeking large land. The fringe belts represent morphological units which occur slowly over empty areas in the outside of the city -on the periphery - The fringe belts, which occupy the highest rate of common use of the urban space, form a larger form and function union with a mixed use of land relative to other types of land and building uses. In terms of urban texture, a land cover containing larger spaces and wider property parcels can be seen. The fringe belts may exhibit different features within an urban fabric. For example, they can be located at the existing boundaries of the fully structured area or rural openings, or it can be clearly embedded in the expanding urban tissue and in a state to lose its periphery. It is possible to see the fringe belts both in young developing cities and in the old cities. The first fringe belts that appeared before the industrial period matured for many years and continued their existence by showing long-term durability. In the cities established during and after the Industrial Revolution, younger, fewer and more dispersed fringe belts are seen. There are generally 3 types of urban fringe belts in the cities. These are inner fringe belt (IFB), mid-fringe belt (MFB) and outer fringe belt (OFB). The land uses that form the fringe belts are categorized as follows: • Open Spaces: Cemeteries, public parks, nurseries / garden markets, empty plots • Industrial Areas: Access facilities, warehouses / warehouses, factories, quarries • Institutional Areas: Military areas / barracks, university campuses, hospital campuses, waste collection and recycling areas, religious facilities • Residential Areas: Low density villa type formations, rural buildings, slum areas 3 ISUF 2020 Cities in the Twenty-first Century • Recreation Areas: Sports fields, horse farms, golf courses etc (Conzen, 2009). In this study, it has been tried to reach the historical and current maps and plans of the city of Istanbul. As a working method, analyzes were made in the context of urban morphology concepts and applications. FINDINGS Istanbul, which was a port city in the 18th century, entered the pause period in the 19th century and the developments towards the center intensified. After the 1930s, the city started to grow continuously with the effect of the new regime and industrialization and modernization. In Istanbul, which has been globalizing since the 1980s, leaps from center to periphery began. Fringe belt areas have constantly changed, especially in Istanbul, which has turned into a city-region after 2000s. In these changes, especially the translation or alienation of industrial areas was analyzed. It can be said that the fringe belt formations taken over the aerial image of 1946 are the last photograph in the inner circle belt class of Istanbul. After this period, the city starts to grow rapidly on both sides with the speed of increase in housing production, population growth and migration in the city, developments in planning and new policies. In this period when middle-fringe belt areas were formed, the first and second Bosporus bridges and highways connected to them became the threshold line in the formation of fringe-belts. Especially sports fields, industrial areas, organized industrial zones, military areas, ports and airport (Atatürk Airport) are the land use types seen in this period. Some of the industrial land-use areas that enter the middle-fringe belt area are in Kartal district on the Anatolian side. On the Anatolian side, industrial formations on the e-5 highway, around İçerenköy, and military field formations between Maltepe and Kartal are also included in this field. In this period, while the slum formation is accelerating, the residential and commercial texture of the city continues to develop with the arrangements such as factor ownership law in the slums and the acceleration of the apartment building process. In this period, which lasted until the 1980s, outer fringe belt generations started to show their first traces.    Organized industrial zones in large areas on the city's walls after 1980s, nature parks in forest areas (for example: Polonezköy Nature Park) or other parking areas, airport on the Anatolian Side after 1990s (Sabiha Gökçen Airport) and the surrounding industry and storage areas, the Figure 1. Mega projects pointed in the map of Istanbul (Source: en.megaprojeleristanbul.com, Date: August 2020) 4 ISUF 2020 Cities in the Twenty-first Century third strait bridge and third airport (Istanbul Airport) in the north of the city after 2010 are among the prominent areas of the outer belt. Today, many mega projects in various sizes on the agenda of within the scope of urban policies determined by the city administrators (Figure 1). These projects are mostly seen in fringe belt areas of the city as expected.  Figure 2. A section from fringe belt analyses of Istanbul with fixation lines (2020) In Figure 2, the effect of man-made fixation lines, especially city walls and highways, can be seen. In addition to these fixation lines, which are also effective in the formation of inner and middle fringe belts, natural fixation lines also played a role in the formation of outer fringe belts and inner fringe belts. One of the examples of transformation in the industrial areas is Kartal district, which is located on the east side of Istanbul. Kartal, developed after 1940 will take place in mid-fringe belt area of Istanbul. This area developed as an industrial zone with surrounding hosing settlements. In 1990’s as a result of decentralization of industry, the are became a potential for alienation in terms of fringe belts. Various plans, projects and urban transformation competitions have been organized in order to transform the industrial area into Istanbul's new financial center since the 2000s. Although the competition project won by Zaha Hadid Architects cannot be implemented as a result of various legal objections, this region is still seen as a commercial area in the current plan decisions.  5 ISUF 2020 Cities in the Twenty-first Century  Figure 3. Fringe belt development of Kartal district of Istanbul (between 1982-2020) CONCLUSIONS AND FURTHER QUESTIONS Many large-scale projects have been effective in the transformation of the Istanbul’s fringe belt areas, from the bridge projects connecting the two sides to Istanbul to the airport projects that claim to be largest in the world, from mass housing and luxury housing projects to other transportation projects. However in the first phase of this study, the main conclusions are listed as following: • Transformations in Istanbul mostly occur in both ways based on urban policies: Alienation or modification. • IFB seems to more open to transformation (alienation and modification). • Also in MFB transformations are seen (alienation and modification). • Mega projects are usually built in industrial areas and in countries have a –late industrial development, have these transformations in MFB. • OFB close to forests or agricultural lands create a force for these areas to change land use type (modification). • In mega cities, districts may have their own fringe belt development: in istanbul, kartal district case proves. Further questions to develop the study: (i) Can fixation lines as natural and man-made ones say significant facts about urban development and fringe belt development? (ii) New fringe belt areas, which occurred in forests and agricultural areas and north of the city,  should be taken in OFB or another fringe belt group with specific features? (iii) Do fringe belts become best urban areas for mega projects of rent oriented policies?   6 ISUF 2020 Cities in the Twenty-first Century REFERENCES Conzen, M. P. (2009). How cities internalize their former urban fringes: a cross-cultural comparison. Urban Morphology, 13(1), 29-51. Conzen, M. P., Gu, K., Whitehand, J.W.R. (2012). Comparing Traditional Urban Form in China and Europe: A Fringe-Belt Approach. Urban Geography, 33(1), 22-45. Conzen, M. R. G. (2004). Thinking About Urban Form: papers on urban morphology 1932-1998. Peter Lang, Bern. Gu, K. (2010). Exploring the fringe belt concept in Auckland: An urban morphological idea and planning practice. New Zealand Geographer, 66, 44-60. Hazar, D., Kubat, A. S. (2015). Fringe belts in the process of urban planning and design: Comparative analyses of Istanbul and Barcelona. ITU A|Z, 12(1), 53-65. Karaulan, D., Kubat, A. S. (2018). Analyzing Fringe Belt Phenomenon in The Historico-Geographical Structure of Milan, Italy. ICONARP, 6(2), 304-332. Kubat, A. S. (2019). Exploring the Fringe-Belt Phenomenon in a Multi-Nuclear City: The Case of Istanbul. ICONARP, 7, Special Issue, 95-134.  Tekeli, İ. (2011). Türkiye’nin Kent Planlama ve Kent Araştırmaları Tarihi Yazıları. Tarih Vakfı Yurt Yayınları, İstanbul. Ünlü, T. (2013). Thinking about Urban Fringe belts: A Mediterranean Perspective. Urban Morphology, 17(1), 5-20. Ünlü, T., Baş, Y. (2016). Multi-nuclear growth patterns in a rapidly changing Turkish city: a fringe-belt perspective. Urban Morphology, 20(2), 107-21. Ünlü, T., Baş, Y. (2019). The Urban Growth and Development Periods of Turkish Cities: A Fringe-Belt Perspective. ed. Burcu Ozdemir Sarı, Urban and Regional Planning in Turkey, Springer, 107.128. Whitehand, J. W. R. (1988). Urban fringe belts: development of an idea. Planning Perspectives, 3(1), 47-58. Whitehand, J. W. R., Morton, N. J. (2004). Urban morphology and planning: the case of fringe belts. Cities, 21(4), 275-289. Whitehand, J. W. R. (2019). Green space in urban morphology: a historico-geographical approach. Urban Morphology, 23(1), 5-17. CORRESPONDING AUTHOR Ezgi Kucuk Caliskan, PhD Candidate at Istanbul Technical University | Urban Planning Coordinator at Marmara Municipalities Union, Marmara Belediyeler Birliği Saridemir Mah Ragıp Gümüşpala Cad No 10 Eminönü 34134 Fatih Istanbul Türkiye. ezgikucuk89@gmail.com @ezgikcaliskan (twitter) linkedin.com/in/ezgikcaliskan (linkedin) 

Policies and facts for mega-urbanization: middle and outer fringe belt developments of Istanbul

Ünlü, Tolga

Fringe-belt alienation as a tool to develop cities: Turkish case

Assreuy, Patricia Martins

Soares de Medeiros, Valério Augusto

(IR)Regularity: patterns of urban growth in Brasília's satellite cities - the case of Sobradinho II

Kickert, Candace

ISUF 2020: CITIES IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY   AUTOMOBILE EROSION IN DOWNTOWN DETROIT – 1920-2020 Conrad Kickert, PhD, Assistant Professor of Urban Design, University of Cincinnati, USA  ABSTRACT Both the rise and fall of Detroit greatly has impacted the morphology and functioning of its downtown. From the 1920s onward, the city’s own invention – the automobile – has eroded downtown fabric through the spread of parking lots and deleterious street widenings. Unable to build significant public transit, city planners subsequently made way for car traffic until a majority of downtown space was dedicated to parked and moving automobiles today.  Focusing specifically on the dichotomy between automobiles and the city, this paper surveys the array of planning, engineering and design strategies to keep downtown moving between 1920 and 2020, and places these strategies in a larger framework of downtown reinvention. Modernist and Post-modernist urban planning and design planning stand in stark contrast to automobile erosion and market failure. This paper not only describes this dichotomy; it demonstrates and studies its morphological manifestation through a series of maps and statistics that show the level of urban erosion.  The paper concludes with a final phase in which downtown is reappreciated rather than reinvented, through the private preservation and repurposing of its historic urban form and architecture – although the car remains king. INTRODUCTION  Detroit’s reputation as the Motor City is both globally famous and infamous. On one hand, this moniker recalls narratives of industrial power and technological innovation, which certainly rings true for the first half of the 20th century. On the other hand, the Motor City’s namesake invention, the automobile, has been quick to turn against its inventor – first and foremost in its downtown. Decades before the city’s population peak in the 1950s, downtown experienced its own economic, social and morphological peak. Newfound automotive wealth and construction may have shaped downtown Detroit’s skyline during the 1910s and 1920s, the one-the-growth benefits of skyward growth rapidly diminished as downtown’s pre-automobile form was unable to adapt to an influx of Detroit’s four-wheeled offspring.  As a result, downtown Detroit experienced a rapid yet uneasy morphological transformation from a fine-grained walkable fabric toward a car-dominated archipelago of historic fabric, introverted architecture, interspersed with a sea of parking lots and garages. For over a century, downtown Detroit has effectively ‘dehumanized’ itself, transforming its buildings and public spaces for people toward car parking. Parking has especially eroded the periphery of downtown Detroit, effectively creating an automobile fringe belt through decline rather than growth cycles (Whitehand, 1988). This paper will survey this process of transformation in narrative form and a series of morphological maps based on a range of private and public sources, ending on a somewhat positive note with today’s reappreciation of downtown. THE CANARY IN THE COALMINE Like most other American downtowns, Detroit’s downtown skyline rapidly transformed during the 1910s and 1920s. Transforming from a northern provincial town into an international center of 2 ISUF 2020 Cities in the Twenty-first Century automotive production, Detroit experienced some of the most rapid population and economic expansions known in the United States. While most growth was outward – the result of cultural pastoralism and anti-urban industrialists like Henry Ford – downtown reflected the city’s new role in the form of a construction boom during the first three decades of the 20th century. A motley crew of local boosterists, retail and entertainment magnates and national banking conglomerates transformed the downtown skyline in a series of superlatives – from the Art Deco glamour of the Guardian Building and the Fox Theatre to Hudson’s, America’s second-largest department store. Down at eye level, Ukrainian car parts salesman Max Goldberg built an entirely different empire – of private, off-street parking lots. Understanding the value of private lots to house Detroit’s growing cohort of cars parked in downtown, Goldberg’s empire expanded from a single 1917 lot to dozens of owned and managed lots in the 1930s. These lots formed at the fringes of downtown, servicing the needs of new skyscrapers, while cutting them off from the older neighborhoods surrounding the city. By 1929, one can already recognize a solid ring of parking around the downtown – covering enough unpaved land to throw veritable dust storms at times of drought (Kickert, 2019). A series of widened arterials cut through the periphery of downtown to keep downtown accessible to cars, further eroding walkability and transit access. In a sense, downtown had become the canary in Detroit’s coalmine of morphological and socio-economic decline.  Figure 1. Buildings added (green) and removed (red) in downtown Detroit between 1921 and 1929 demonstrate a dichotomy between central skyscraper construction and peripheral parking lot demolition. 3 ISUF 2020 Cities in the Twenty-first Century MODERN REINVENTION  Initially, car parking was simply an issue of capacity in a downtown that remained at the region’s center. By the 1940s, it became clear that the car was taking residents away from Detroit and its downtown more than the other way around. A ring of secondary shopping and office centers had grown around the city, threatening the hegemony of downtown as a commercial destination. In a bid to maintain downtown accessibility to Detroit’s automobile middle and upper class, City Hall aggressively became involved in forcing downtown into the automobile era. Drastic urban renewal and infrastructure projects cut through the downtown periphery, already eroded by parking and undermaintained neighborhoods – often housing African Americans. The planning mantra was to beat Detroit’s prospering suburbs at their own game, by making downtown into a car-accessible middle class environment. Under newly hired planner-engineer Charles Blesssing, thousands of inner city residents, homes, businesses and entire blocks were bulldozed to make way for an auto-centric “Dream City” of highways, Modernist housing, office towers, and parking garages. Effectively, this dream paved over the fringe belt that had grown around downtown since the 1920s, solidifying a ragged pattern of remaining buildings and gravel lots into a concrete world of ramps and towers. Yet in many cases, this dream failed to materialize as market demand stalled after Detroit’s population and economic peak during the 1950s, leaving swaths of peripheral land vacant for decades to follow.   Figure 2. Downtown urban form in 1951 (left) and 1967 (right) show the extent of Modernist renewal. In 1967, Detroit experienced some of America’s worst civil disorders, reflecting African American dissent with decades of segregration, lack of opportunities and police brutality. As a result, downtown Detroit’s gradual decline accelerated, leaving offices, retailers and homes empty. By the 1970s, downtown was no longer shaped by the public forces of urban planners and traffic engineers, but by the private forces of large corporations and real estate developers. Interestingly, this regime shift hardly decelerated the trend of coarsening downtown’s urban fabric toward car accessibility, as a “postmodern urbanism” geared around safety and simulation reigned (Ellin, 1996). The Renaissance Center, a 1977 mixed-use office, retail and hotel complex notoriously had no front door, welcoming visitors only through a web of surrounding parking garages and lots. Surrounding new construction similarly turned away from the street, instead internalizing public life into interior atriums, walkways and courts. Under various mayoral reigns, this pattern exacerbated 4 ISUF 2020 Cities in the Twenty-first Century to the point that private developers were able to obtain, demolish and rebuild entire downtown districts for office campuses, sports palaces and casino complexes. By the turn of the 21st century, this car-centric architecture and urbanism had effectively turned downtown into its own parasite – the suburb.  Figure 3. Construction and demolition between 2001 and 2011 shows the construction of multi-block casinos and sports complexes. POSTMODERN REAPPRECIATION – AT LEAST IN PART  By 2010, downtown Detroit had transformed itself into a leisure destination, welcoming suburbanites to visit for sports and gambling, with freeways and car parking allowing for easy car access, but most importantly an easy exit from downtown. Most remaining historic buildings that used to cater to pedestrians sat empty, awaiting a new purpose. Historic preservation efforts, no matter how valiant, simply could not counter a stagnant market and sky-high renovation costs after decades of vacancy and neglect. This paradigm shifted with the rediscovery of downtown as the home of a young, educated Creative Class cohort of workers, visitors, and residents, by local mortgage billionaire Daniel “Dan” Gilbert. Discovering the value of downtown’s historic buildings as a unique setting for his envisioned workers, Gilbert set off on a “skyscraper sale”, now owning over 100 historic downtown buildings, which he has transformed into offices, homes, bars, restaurants and shops (Gallagher, 2014). Gilbert followed his predecessors accumulation of downtown land and buildings, yet he understands the value of a walkable and fine-grained urban 5 ISUF 2020 Cities in the Twenty-first Century fabric – at least for those who can afford it. What can be seen as a revived walkable mecca for urbanites, can also be seen as a sanitized “urbanoid environment”, free of any of the grit and risks that define the rest of Detroit (Goldberger, 1996). CONCLUSIONS When taking count of downtown’s transformation between 1920 and 2020, one may think of a near-constant narrative of decline and erosion. The morphological maps have been combined with GIS measurements of building volume to derive the total floor area size of downtown, which actually reveals that while downtown shrank from 1929 onward, it actually rebounded in size after the city’s 1967 civil disorder nadir. Decades of failed urban renewal proved to fuel the most prolific decline. However, when taking into account how much construction is for car parking, one can see that after 1967, the city has continued to shrink its built area for people, instead replacing it with buildings for cars. Between 2011 and 2018, this accounted for around 80% of new construction. Similarly, the majority of downtown space remains the territory of automobiles. Despite the launch of the city’s first streetcar system since the 1950s, as well as bicycle sharing programs, downtown remains an island surrounded by car parking and freeways in the Motor City. A century after its first opening, downtown’s fringe belt is proving quite resilient to change.   Figure 4. Floor space of all downtown buildings in square feet, including parking. REFERENCES Ellin N. (1996) Postmodern urbanism, Cambridge, Mass.: Blackwell. Gallagher J. (2014) Dan Gilbert is doing more than buying, he's leaving design mark on downtown Detroit. Detroit Free Press. Detroit. Goldberger P. (1996) The rise of the private city. In: Vitullo-Martin J (ed) Breaking away: the future of cities - essays in memory of Robert F. Wagner Jnr. New York: The Twentieth Century Fund Press. Kickert C. (2019) Dream City: Creation, Destruction, and Reinvention in Downtown Detroit: Mit Press. 010,000,00020,000,00030,000,00040,000,00050,000,00060,000,00070,000,00080,000,0001921193119411951196119711981199120012011Square feetYearDowntown floor space with parkingAll buildings Parking buildings6 ISUF 2020 Cities in the Twenty-first Century Whitehand J. (1988) Urban fringe belts: development of an idea. Planning perspectives 3: 47-58.  CORRESPONDING AUTHOR Conrad Kickert, Assistant Professor of Urban Design, School of Planning, University of Cincinnati, 2624 Clifton Avenue, Cincinnati, OH, 45221, USA kickercd@ucmail.uc.edu @conradkickert 

Automobile erosion in downtown Detroit - 1920-2020

Gomes, Ramon F.

Bitencourt, Ricardo B.

Morphological contrast and urban policies on the border of Brazil and Paraguay

Piombo, Pablo Vazquez

The urban landscape of Zacatecas: transformation of the surrounding buffer areas

Yang, Shuya

Tian, Yinsheng

Li, Yan

The evolution of Chinese historic urban form in the view of land proprietorship transformation: a case study of Nanyang Historic District, China

Canedo, Ninfa Regina

Lucas, Edinardo Rodrigues

Lacerda, Larissa

Schvarsberg, Benny

ISUF 2020: CITIES IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY   EXTREMES: THE IMPACTS OF URBAN POLICY ON THE OFFER OF HIGH AND LOW INCOME IN GOIÂNIA (2008-2018)  Ninfa Regina Canedo, Master, Universidade de Brasília, Brasil;  Edinardo Rodrigues Lucas, Master, Universidade de Brasília, Brasil;  Larissa Lacerda, Graduated, Universidade de Brasília, Brasil;  Benny Schvarsberg, Doctor, Universidade de Brasília, Brasil. ABSTRACT This article aims at reflecting on the production of urban space in urban morphology and constructive typology, focusing on housing production to two extremes: high-income developments and the production of social housing. The rapid population growth of the large Brazilian cities and the real estate boom caused by the greater ease of access to housing - whether through social programs or the financial market - have caused significant changes in the urban landscape over the last decade, such as: the large number of real estate launches in the privileged areas and the disorderly urbanization. Instruments for inducing urban development and social management of land valorization would act to mitigate the effects of unequal urbanization in terms of access to urbanized and regularized land (HOLSTON, 2008; MARICATO, 2012). However, when analyzing the production of housing for high and low income in the last decade in Goiânia (GO, BR), it is notorious that urban policy - laws and programs - led to the creation of distinct and extreme territories: in one live those who have the right to all the benefits and services present in the city and, in another, those on the margins of it. Keywords: housing; city; Goiânia. INTRODUCTION  The city has been changing over the centuries, so that the analysis of its dynamics of appropriation makes it possible to understand today and future planning. Talking about cities implies recognizing that the intention has a link with what is generated and built internally in addition to form (MEDEIROS, 2013). The urban literature points out that the built form of the city affects its performance (VILLAÇA, 2001; HOLANDA, 2003; ALARCON, 2004), so that location and accessibility are essential elements in the valorization of the soil. In this way, the distribution and occupation of land in urban settlements are largely motivated by profit (TRAMONTANO, 2006; CARDOSO, 2000; MARICATTO, 2001). This article aims to reflect on the production of urban space under aspects of urban morphology and constructive typology, with a focus on housing production for two extremes of social segments: high-income enterprises and the production of social housing. The main hypothesis raised here is that, in Goiânia, two legal milestones were the trigger for the creation of two distinct and extreme territories: in one live those who have the right to all the benefits and services present in the city and, in another, the ones who are on the sidelines of it. In other words, the Goiânia Master Plan (PD), in its parameters of zoning, land use and occupation, tended to favor the most privileged territory and the Minha Casa Minha Vida Program (PMCMV). In its implementation, from the point of view of location, urban morphology and construction typology, it tended to deepen the inequality already present in the urban mesh. 2 ISUF 2020 Cities in the Twenty-first Century METHODOLOGY  Usually in the literature, the housing analysis of social interest and the analysis of high standard production undertaken by the market for the “1% of the population” in Brazilian cities occur in separate surveys. However, the present exploratory research takes as a case study the city of Goiânia, in a time frame from 2008 to 2018, seeking to analyze housing production in opposing social groups (low and high income) from the implementation of the Legal Frameworks: Master Plan of Goiânia (Complementary Law No. 171, May 29, 2007) and the MCMV program (Federal Law No. 11,977, of July 7, 2009). For comparative purposes, this research is divided into two fronts: the analysis of high-income housing production and housing production of social interest. As far as the investigation is concerned, the methodological aspects of the research are based on the identification and comparison of the attributes contained in the occupation, such as: density, pattern, location and accessibility, reflected in the local urban landscape. It addresses the reflection of the 2007 Master Plan (PD) of the city of Goiânia in high-income housing production, analyzing the occupation based on the progression of verticalization and at the other extreme analyzes the same impacts on the production of social housing after the approval of the PMCMV Law.  BACKGROUND –THE PD 2007 AND THE PMCMV 2009  Goiânia, a city planned to be the capital of the State of Goiás in the 1930s, is today one of the main metropolitan cities in Brazil. Like other Brazilian metropolises, it saw its urbanization “explode” from the 1960s onwards and faces urban and metropolitan challenges, such as housing provision, especially for the social vulnerable population. The Master Plan (PD) is the main instrument of urban planning and management in the country, being the device of urban planning and development, dealing with central urban issues, such as the offer of housing to its citizens. Therefore, however, the housing issue can be observed by two biases: housing as a universal social right and housing as a consumer good, as a commodity (IMB, 2018). The Goiânia PD (2007) brings as a guideline the construction of a compact and mixed city. The plan took Linearity as the Spatial Model, based on the road system and supported by the public transportation offer. To this end, it established the structuring elements of the Model, according to its article 82, which established the axes of Exclusive Development. The rules for subdivision, use and occupation of the land would regulate the densification, volumetry and spatialization of the built space, as well as the activities. Regarding the control and spatial planning, the plan replaces the utilization rate by the ideal fraction as a way of disciplining real estate density. As occupation control, it institutes new urban parameters, regarding occupation and removals. It uses as an instrument of Urban Policy the regulatory tools according to the provisions of the City Statute, which are the Onerous of the Right to Build and of the Change of Use (ODIR AND ONAULT). Such devices opened up new fronts for verticalization, outlining a densification plan based on the city's drainage routes, allowing the construction of residential towers over 30 floors in places that were previously banned from verticalization. The Real Estate Market, which outlines the relationship between project density, revenues, development costs and land price (DIPASQUALE, WHEATON, 1996), seeing the possibility of minimizing the impact of the lot value with the sale of 3 ISUF 2020 Cities in the Twenty-first Century a significantly larger number of units, it is mobilized in the launch of new developments with a focus on the high-income segment. Two years after the launch of the PD, other law, this time federal, would impact the production of urban space now on the fringes of the city. The recent production of social housing in Brazil is marked by the experience of the MCMV Program, started in 2009. In Goiânia, until 2014, the number of units contracted was 8,799 (LUCAS, 2016), a number that has not undergone any significant change, since the program was discontinued in 2016 by Michel Temer Government. The PMCMV presented negative and positive points in Goiânia, in a very similar way to the performance of the program in other locations, as Lucas (2016) points out: the majority of the projects have a bad location and disconnection with the urban network; they have architectural and urban projects of low quality, few green areas and deficiency or absence in the supply of public facilities and the predilection of elements that provide status (such as closed condominiums or the presence of suites) by constructive elements that guarantee “good architecture” (such as adequate solar orientation and opening windows). The large contribution of public financing, providing the use of subsidies and the release of credit, made it possible to acquire the property itself for sectors of society that until then were mostly excluded by the formal market. Large companies hitherto concentrated on production for high and medium income, also turned to the so-called “economic segment” (FIX, 2011; REIS, 2011). FINDINGS: THE URBAN TRANFORMATION Commonly, the priority urban occupation of the higher income social segments occurs in two ways: central regions in vertical condominiums (places with easy access, supplied by trade and excellent services), or in horizontal condominiums on the fringes of the city (alleged by security, distinction and greater individual living space). It is observed, however, that this choice goes beyond personal motivations, goes through urban planning and management strategies and the interest of the real estate market. The PD (2007), from the beginning, brought a great movement of the real estate market. In 2008, 10,630 units were launched in 80 enterprises. The number of launches remained high until 2011, which was also driven by the economic moment experienced in Brazil. If we compare the number of housing units with that of developments, we observe: 2008 - 132 hu / development; 2016 - 201 hu / development and; 2018 - 150 hu / development. This leads to a belief that the market, starting from the possibilities opened by the 2007 PD, sought to increase its gains; on the other hand, such initiatives foreshadow the impact that occurred in the city due to the expressive increase in density. According to the survey, almost all launches over 200m² are located in the southern region of the city. The only exception is Parque Amazônia District, which appeared with one development. The following graphic shows Marista District as the preferred one, with an increase of almost 10 times in the number of units launched during the period. 4 ISUF 2020 Cities in the Twenty-first Century  Graphic 1. Developments launched by District - Goiânia – GO. Years 2008, 2013 and 2018) Also confirming the reflection of the PD in high-income real estate production, the Figure 1 below shows the change in the profile of verticalization in the Southern region. The map representing the 2008 profile shows the densest areas in these regions, with four to nine floors in yellow and 10 to 19 in green. In 2018, new developments over 20 and 30 floors, represented by the orange and red color, most frequently distributed in Marista, Bueno and Jardim Goiás Districts.  Figure 1. Verticalization Profile – Southern Region of Goiânia in the years 2008 and 2018, respectively. Single-family homes have been replaced by high-standard towers, which have sharply increased the profile and density of the region (Figure 3). In fact, some factors condition the choice of the place of residence and are directly linked to the characteristics of the surroundings, more central areas, with better integration and served with spatial differentials have greater demand and consequently greater value (CARVALHO, SABOYA, 2017).  70 51457 42208933024137842206490193 20300200400600OESTE MARISTA BUENO J. GOIÁS PQ. AMAZÔNIA2008 2013 20185 ISUF 2020 Cities in the Twenty-first Century Source: https://www.fotografiasaereas.com.br/imagem-aerea/parque-areiao     Source: https://seuimovelgoiania.blogspot.com/2019/02/lancamento Figure 2. Verticalization Profile – Areião Park View – Marista District, 2008 and 2018. The squares inserted in these areas added to their aggregating elements of "well-being" intensify this dynamic. They have been adding new values and meanings in contemporary society over the years, bringing facilities and multiple stimuli, valuing urban life; on the other hand, these experiences have increasingly generated dynamics, impersonal relationships and market interest (VAZ, 2010). At the other end of the city, the PMCMV presents us with different space production strategies: small closed condominiums, blocks of social interest in new neighborhoods and large housing estates, - all models present on the outskirts of the city. In Irisville and Bertim Belchior (2009) sets, the subdivision project is based on the creation of closed condominiums with isolated houses on the lot in extremely peripheral areas and disconnected from the existing urban mesh. The strategy here is to impose a status standard by taking the focus off really important issues, such as proper location and the lack of public spaces and services in the region. Another model found in Goiânia is the occupation of blocks in private subdivisions, in which the public authority is only responsible for defining typologies and the production of the units - since the design and location of the neighborhood are defined by the owner. The entrepreneur starts donating lots to the city administration, and as a rule the areas with the worst location of the enterprises are available to the municipality. On the other hand, the area has a high public investment, generating appreciation for the project. The large housing complex on the fringes of the city is another resource used by PMCMV entrepreneurs. Residencial Jardim do Cerrado is an example of this model. Located in the western region, very close to the border with the municipality of Trindade, it is almost 25 kilometers away from the center of Goiânia. In the enterprise there are two models of land occupation: the isolated house (steps 1 to 4) and condominiums of houses, overlapping houses and townhouses (steps 6 to 11). When we analyze the project to implement the overlapping houses, we see that, instead of proposing greater density to bring free and qualified spaces, more roads are created. It is possible to reach the summit of observing three parallel pathways with the same function: giving access to the residential unit (see 6 ISUF 2020 Cities in the Twenty-first Century figure 3). Public and free spaces were ignored to the detriment of small, segregated indoor playgrounds.  Figure 3. Residential Jardim do Cerrado. Source: LUCAS, 2016. The way in which the condominiums are located discourages the use of public space on the street, as the entrances are unique in a large block, hindering the permeability for those who move around on foot. Thus, the strategies that produce urban space - segregated, monotonous, walled, between bars, with more roads than public spaces - express the (re) production of capital and its public-private partnerships, in which the quantity and immediacy are superimposed on the quality and end up building a good part of the city. In the following mapping, the production of social housing on the fringes of the city is clear, disconnected from a comprehensive city planning and its operating costs. CONCLUSIONS Two scenarios were presented. The first one is the high-income housing production, which was triggered by the 2007 City Master Plan (PD) and is characterized by the verticalization of well-located areas with public and private infrastructure and services. At the other extreme, the production of social housing recaptured on a large scale by the PMCMV, which produced an immense and monotonous housing complex on the fringes of the municipality, without adequate infrastructure and services. In the same municipality, two very different realities, as if it there were two cities: in the center live those who have access to the city and all its benefits and in the other extreme those who live on the margins.  7 ISUF 2020 Cities in the Twenty-first Century  Figure 4 - Schematic map with the location of the enterprises. Source: LUCAS, 2016. It is a fact that the PD did not promote the integration of the various urban policies. While instituting instruments for the real estate market to increase its profits with unlimited verticalization, the PMCMV produced part of the territory in spite of the plan's guidelines, such as “creating a compact and mixed city”. The PD should articulate instruments that promote the best location of housing for low and middle class. Those instruments would oblige the occupation of urban voids and vacant lots containing the indiscriminate expansion of the city. Nor does it mean that only the creation and insertion of the instruments in the master plans would be able to achieve such objectives, because as Ermínia Maricato points out, “no instrument is adequate in itself, but it depends on its purpose and operation” (MARICATO, 2013, p.96). It is important to understand that the two extreme landscapes are the product of legislation created by the public authorities, in line with private companies; they are also a portrait of the inequality present in Goiânia, which, according to the UN, is the most unequal capital in the country and the tenth in the world. In short, it can be the production of housing for high or low income, “it is the process of reproduction of capital that will indicate the ways in which society occupies space, based on the mechanisms of private appropriation” (CARLOS, 2008, p. 89). Studies show that urban design is incapable of providing social and cultural change on its own (HOLANDA, 2003); however, they induce the creation of conditions - spaces, spatial organization, and architectural means - that allow the street or public space to be a meeting place for distinctions and different actors, in order to provide the exchange of experiences. There is where our responsibility lays. We continue trying to understand the cities in order to be an instrument to transform them. 8 ISUF 2020 Cities in the Twenty-first Century REFERENCES Alarcon, L. E. L. (2004) A centralidade em Goiânia. Dissertação (Mestrado em Arquitetura e Urbanismo), Universidade de Brasília. Brasília. Cardoso, A. L. (2000) Mercado imobiliário e segregação: a cidade do Rio de Janeiro. In: Ribeiro, L. A. O futuro das metrópoles: desigualdades e governabilidade. Rio de Janeiro: Revan. CARLOS, Ana Fani Alessandri. (2008) A (re)produção do espaço urbano. São Paulo: ed. USP. Carvalho, A; Saboya, R. T. (2017) A localização residencial em uma cidade vertical: um estudo sintático em Florianópolis. Urb. Revista Brasileira de Gestão Urbana. Dipasquale, D.; Wheaton, W. (1996) Urban Economics and Real Estate Markets. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall. Fix, Mariana de A. B. (2011) Financeirização e transformações recentes no circuito imobiliário no Brasil. 263 p. Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Economia, Campinas, SP.  Holanda, Frederico de. (2003) Arquitetura & urbanidade. São Paulo: Próeditores Associados Ltda., 2003. Holston, James. (2013) Cidadania Insurgente: disjunções da democracia e da modernidade no Brasil. São Paulo: Companhia das Letras.  Lucas, E. R. (2016) Cidades na cidade: habitação social e produção do espaço urbano em Goiânia. Orientadora: Eline Maria Moura Pereira Caixeta. 2016. 172 f. Dissertação (Mestrado em Projeto e Cidade) - Universidade Federal de Goiás, Goiânia. Maricato, Ermínia.(2012) As ideias fora do lugar e o lugar fora das ideias: Planejamento urbano no Brasil. In: ARANTES, Otília; VAINER, Carlos; MARICATO, Ermínia. A cidade do pensamento único: Desmanchando consensos. Petrópolis, RJ: Vozes. 7ed. 121-192. Maricato, Ermínia. (2013) Brasil, cidades: alternativas para a crise urbana. São Paulo: Vozes. 7ed. Medeiros, V. (2013) Urbis Brasiliae: o Labirinto das Cidades Brasileiras. Brasília: EdUnB, 2013. CORRESPONDING AUTHOR Ninfa Regina de Melo Canedo, Universidade de Brasília. Rua 1141 n.536 apt. 2502-B CEP 74180-081, Goiânia – GO, Brazil. canedoninfa@gmail.com. 

Extremes: the impacts of urban policy on the offer of high and low income in Goiânia

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