University of Utah E Publications

Fourth annual issue of Undergraduate Journal on Contemporary Issues and&nbsp;Medi

Morrow, Anne

UJCIM Vol. 4

Piombo, Pablo Vazquez

English

The urban landscape of Zacatecas: transformation of the surrounding buffer areas

Ünlü, Tolga

Fringe-belt alienation as a tool to develop cities: Turkish case

Küçük Çalışkan, E.

Kubat, Ayse Sema

ISUF 2020: CITIES IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY   POLICIES AND FACTS FOR MEGA-URBANIZATION: MIDDLE AND OUTER FRINGE BELT DEVELOPMENTS OF ISTANBUL Ezgi Kucuk Çaliskan, Urban and Regional Planning PhD Candidate, Istanbul Technical University, Turkey Ayse Sema Kubat, Professor at Faculty of Architecture, Department of Urban and Regional Planning, Istanbul Technical University, Turkey  ABSTRACT Istanbul has been remaining on the agenda as being an over-capacity city among the other biggest developing world cities since last few decades. As a consequence of having a centuries-old historical background, the massive and uncontrolled urbanization and ongoing population movement, Istanbul becomes quite complex to plan sustainably. The morphological units, as main subjects of the city development, should be understood through elaborated analyses for managing and monitoring urban development and discussing planning methodologies for mega-cities. This research carried out to introduce inner, middle and outer fringe belt developments of Istanbul based on morphological periods of the city. The priority is given to middle and outer fringe belts of Istanbul to address the urban growth in terms of mega projects. The fringe belts of an industrial district, namely Kartal, is analyzed as a case of sub-center evolution in Istanbul. It is found that the city came to be in a dramatic transformation period due to the lack of morphological perception. The findings of the study reveal that fringe belts must be recognized within the processes of urban policy making and planning for the mega-cities with historical heritage and natural resources. The study concluded with further questions to complete the research. Keywords: Fringe belts, fixation lines, urban development, urban policies, Istanbul INTRODUCTION  This research, as a part of an ongoing PhD thesis studying by the author, aims to analyze fringe belt development of the city of Istanbul and understand how urban policies effects fringe belts in İstanbul. Through the fringe belt analyses of Istanbul, it is expected to understand the urban growth dynamics of the mega-city. Regarding, the following questions are asked in terms of the research: Istanbul has a linear growth structure with metropolitan features, thus what are the points where the characteristics of Istanbul’s fringe belts intersect and/or specialize with the existing fringe belt concept? BACKGROUND Istanbul is a mega city with a population approaching to16 million. The city became center for Roman, Byzantine and Ottoman empires. After 1930’s, in Turkish Republic period, the city planned by European architects and urban planners as a result of a modernization movement. The rapid urbanization in Istanbul transform the city as a platform for urban policies. After 1980’s the city has expanded in east and west direction. North of the city remained as forest areas until 2000’s. With three Bosporus bridges, the dense urbanization of the city accelerated. Istanbul has moth traditional and modern features of a city for a developing country. Today, as a mega city as being 1 in 3 of Turkey’s economy and having 50% of imports and exports of Turkey, Istanbul becomes a complex city to read morphologically. Having many sub centers, the city requires a collective study in terms of urban morphology. 2 ISUF 2020 Cities in the Twenty-first Century THEORY AND METHODOLOGY Urban morphology is a field of study that examines the parts of the cities form and their relationship with the whole. Urban morphology studies, which started to develop through the concepts and research methods created by M. R. G. Conzen on the old English cities, continued with the orientation of the English, Italian and French schools in different fields and spreading to all over the world with new studies of new urban morphology networks. The fringe belt theory is one of the leading areas of the studies that make up the urban morphology literature, with its structure descending from the large scale analysis to the parcel scale. It includes an inclusive theory, which, while gaining priority in the work of the British school, is not sharply separated with other schools. This theory first emerged with Louis's work on the city of Berlin in 1936. It has been studied by M. R. G. Conzen and has been a morphology study area developed by other researchers working in the field of urban morphology, especially Whitehand and M. P. Conzen. The concept has been developed with the research carried out by Conzen on the old English cities since the 1960s. The fringe belt represents the areas that are seen on large and affordable parcels. After the saturation reached in the residential area of the city, especially with the deterioration of its economic conditions, the fringe belts forming the heterogeneous urban textures formed on the regions with low land value in the city walls are also the regions that reveal the historical development of the cities. Movements of private capital are limited during periods of economic stagnation or crisis. However, public investments are more advantageous in this period. Therefore, many public investments, which require large-scale land, find their place in these suitable areas in the city walls. The same applies to private sector investments seeking large land. The fringe belts represent morphological units which occur slowly over empty areas in the outside of the city -on the periphery - The fringe belts, which occupy the highest rate of common use of the urban space, form a larger form and function union with a mixed use of land relative to other types of land and building uses. In terms of urban texture, a land cover containing larger spaces and wider property parcels can be seen. The fringe belts may exhibit different features within an urban fabric. For example, they can be located at the existing boundaries of the fully structured area or rural openings, or it can be clearly embedded in the expanding urban tissue and in a state to lose its periphery. It is possible to see the fringe belts both in young developing cities and in the old cities. The first fringe belts that appeared before the industrial period matured for many years and continued their existence by showing long-term durability. In the cities established during and after the Industrial Revolution, younger, fewer and more dispersed fringe belts are seen. There are generally 3 types of urban fringe belts in the cities. These are inner fringe belt (IFB), mid-fringe belt (MFB) and outer fringe belt (OFB). The land uses that form the fringe belts are categorized as follows: • Open Spaces: Cemeteries, public parks, nurseries / garden markets, empty plots • Industrial Areas: Access facilities, warehouses / warehouses, factories, quarries • Institutional Areas: Military areas / barracks, university campuses, hospital campuses, waste collection and recycling areas, religious facilities • Residential Areas: Low density villa type formations, rural buildings, slum areas 3 ISUF 2020 Cities in the Twenty-first Century • Recreation Areas: Sports fields, horse farms, golf courses etc (Conzen, 2009). In this study, it has been tried to reach the historical and current maps and plans of the city of Istanbul. As a working method, analyzes were made in the context of urban morphology concepts and applications. FINDINGS Istanbul, which was a port city in the 18th century, entered the pause period in the 19th century and the developments towards the center intensified. After the 1930s, the city started to grow continuously with the effect of the new regime and industrialization and modernization. In Istanbul, which has been globalizing since the 1980s, leaps from center to periphery began. Fringe belt areas have constantly changed, especially in Istanbul, which has turned into a city-region after 2000s. In these changes, especially the translation or alienation of industrial areas was analyzed. It can be said that the fringe belt formations taken over the aerial image of 1946 are the last photograph in the inner circle belt class of Istanbul. After this period, the city starts to grow rapidly on both sides with the speed of increase in housing production, population growth and migration in the city, developments in planning and new policies. In this period when middle-fringe belt areas were formed, the first and second Bosporus bridges and highways connected to them became the threshold line in the formation of fringe-belts. Especially sports fields, industrial areas, organized industrial zones, military areas, ports and airport (Atatürk Airport) are the land use types seen in this period. Some of the industrial land-use areas that enter the middle-fringe belt area are in Kartal district on the Anatolian side. On the Anatolian side, industrial formations on the e-5 highway, around İçerenköy, and military field formations between Maltepe and Kartal are also included in this field. In this period, while the slum formation is accelerating, the residential and commercial texture of the city continues to develop with the arrangements such as factor ownership law in the slums and the acceleration of the apartment building process. In this period, which lasted until the 1980s, outer fringe belt generations started to show their first traces.    Organized industrial zones in large areas on the city's walls after 1980s, nature parks in forest areas (for example: Polonezköy Nature Park) or other parking areas, airport on the Anatolian Side after 1990s (Sabiha Gökçen Airport) and the surrounding industry and storage areas, the Figure 1. Mega projects pointed in the map of Istanbul (Source: en.megaprojeleristanbul.com, Date: August 2020) 4 ISUF 2020 Cities in the Twenty-first Century third strait bridge and third airport (Istanbul Airport) in the north of the city after 2010 are among the prominent areas of the outer belt. Today, many mega projects in various sizes on the agenda of within the scope of urban policies determined by the city administrators (Figure 1). These projects are mostly seen in fringe belt areas of the city as expected.  Figure 2. A section from fringe belt analyses of Istanbul with fixation lines (2020) In Figure 2, the effect of man-made fixation lines, especially city walls and highways, can be seen. In addition to these fixation lines, which are also effective in the formation of inner and middle fringe belts, natural fixation lines also played a role in the formation of outer fringe belts and inner fringe belts. One of the examples of transformation in the industrial areas is Kartal district, which is located on the east side of Istanbul. Kartal, developed after 1940 will take place in mid-fringe belt area of Istanbul. This area developed as an industrial zone with surrounding hosing settlements. In 1990’s as a result of decentralization of industry, the are became a potential for alienation in terms of fringe belts. Various plans, projects and urban transformation competitions have been organized in order to transform the industrial area into Istanbul's new financial center since the 2000s. Although the competition project won by Zaha Hadid Architects cannot be implemented as a result of various legal objections, this region is still seen as a commercial area in the current plan decisions.  5 ISUF 2020 Cities in the Twenty-first Century  Figure 3. Fringe belt development of Kartal district of Istanbul (between 1982-2020) CONCLUSIONS AND FURTHER QUESTIONS Many large-scale projects have been effective in the transformation of the Istanbul’s fringe belt areas, from the bridge projects connecting the two sides to Istanbul to the airport projects that claim to be largest in the world, from mass housing and luxury housing projects to other transportation projects. However in the first phase of this study, the main conclusions are listed as following: • Transformations in Istanbul mostly occur in both ways based on urban policies: Alienation or modification. • IFB seems to more open to transformation (alienation and modification). • Also in MFB transformations are seen (alienation and modification). • Mega projects are usually built in industrial areas and in countries have a –late industrial development, have these transformations in MFB. • OFB close to forests or agricultural lands create a force for these areas to change land use type (modification). • In mega cities, districts may have their own fringe belt development: in istanbul, kartal district case proves. Further questions to develop the study: (i) Can fixation lines as natural and man-made ones say significant facts about urban development and fringe belt development? (ii) New fringe belt areas, which occurred in forests and agricultural areas and north of the city,  should be taken in OFB or another fringe belt group with specific features? (iii) Do fringe belts become best urban areas for mega projects of rent oriented policies?   6 ISUF 2020 Cities in the Twenty-first Century REFERENCES Conzen, M. P. (2009). How cities internalize their former urban fringes: a cross-cultural comparison. Urban Morphology, 13(1), 29-51. Conzen, M. P., Gu, K., Whitehand, J.W.R. (2012). Comparing Traditional Urban Form in China and Europe: A Fringe-Belt Approach. Urban Geography, 33(1), 22-45. Conzen, M. R. G. (2004). Thinking About Urban Form: papers on urban morphology 1932-1998. Peter Lang, Bern. Gu, K. (2010). Exploring the fringe belt concept in Auckland: An urban morphological idea and planning practice. New Zealand Geographer, 66, 44-60. Hazar, D., Kubat, A. S. (2015). Fringe belts in the process of urban planning and design: Comparative analyses of Istanbul and Barcelona. ITU A|Z, 12(1), 53-65. Karaulan, D., Kubat, A. S. (2018). Analyzing Fringe Belt Phenomenon in The Historico-Geographical Structure of Milan, Italy. ICONARP, 6(2), 304-332. Kubat, A. S. (2019). Exploring the Fringe-Belt Phenomenon in a Multi-Nuclear City: The Case of Istanbul. ICONARP, 7, Special Issue, 95-134.  Tekeli, İ. (2011). Türkiye’nin Kent Planlama ve Kent Araştırmaları Tarihi Yazıları. Tarih Vakfı Yurt Yayınları, İstanbul. Ünlü, T. (2013). Thinking about Urban Fringe belts: A Mediterranean Perspective. Urban Morphology, 17(1), 5-20. Ünlü, T., Baş, Y. (2016). Multi-nuclear growth patterns in a rapidly changing Turkish city: a fringe-belt perspective. Urban Morphology, 20(2), 107-21. Ünlü, T., Baş, Y. (2019). The Urban Growth and Development Periods of Turkish Cities: A Fringe-Belt Perspective. ed. Burcu Ozdemir Sarı, Urban and Regional Planning in Turkey, Springer, 107.128. Whitehand, J. W. R. (1988). Urban fringe belts: development of an idea. Planning Perspectives, 3(1), 47-58. Whitehand, J. W. R., Morton, N. J. (2004). Urban morphology and planning: the case of fringe belts. Cities, 21(4), 275-289. Whitehand, J. W. R. (2019). Green space in urban morphology: a historico-geographical approach. Urban Morphology, 23(1), 5-17. CORRESPONDING AUTHOR Ezgi Kucuk Caliskan, PhD Candidate at Istanbul Technical University | Urban Planning Coordinator at Marmara Municipalities Union, Marmara Belediyeler Birliği Saridemir Mah Ragıp Gümüşpala Cad No 10 Eminönü 34134 Fatih Istanbul Türkiye. ezgikucuk89@gmail.com @ezgikcaliskan (twitter) linkedin.com/in/ezgikcaliskan (linkedin) 

Policies and facts for mega-urbanization: middle and outer fringe belt developments of Istanbul

Takeuchi, Masaki

Matsuura, Kenjiro

A study on the integrated street design connecting the university campus and surrounding area -in case of second engineering of the University of Tokyo and Midoricho Japan-

Kickert, Candace

ISUF 2020: CITIES IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY   AUTOMOBILE EROSION IN DOWNTOWN DETROIT – 1920-2020 Conrad Kickert, PhD, Assistant Professor of Urban Design, University of Cincinnati, USA  ABSTRACT Both the rise and fall of Detroit greatly has impacted the morphology and functioning of its downtown. From the 1920s onward, the city’s own invention – the automobile – has eroded downtown fabric through the spread of parking lots and deleterious street widenings. Unable to build significant public transit, city planners subsequently made way for car traffic until a majority of downtown space was dedicated to parked and moving automobiles today.  Focusing specifically on the dichotomy between automobiles and the city, this paper surveys the array of planning, engineering and design strategies to keep downtown moving between 1920 and 2020, and places these strategies in a larger framework of downtown reinvention. Modernist and Post-modernist urban planning and design planning stand in stark contrast to automobile erosion and market failure. This paper not only describes this dichotomy; it demonstrates and studies its morphological manifestation through a series of maps and statistics that show the level of urban erosion.  The paper concludes with a final phase in which downtown is reappreciated rather than reinvented, through the private preservation and repurposing of its historic urban form and architecture – although the car remains king. INTRODUCTION  Detroit’s reputation as the Motor City is both globally famous and infamous. On one hand, this moniker recalls narratives of industrial power and technological innovation, which certainly rings true for the first half of the 20th century. On the other hand, the Motor City’s namesake invention, the automobile, has been quick to turn against its inventor – first and foremost in its downtown. Decades before the city’s population peak in the 1950s, downtown experienced its own economic, social and morphological peak. Newfound automotive wealth and construction may have shaped downtown Detroit’s skyline during the 1910s and 1920s, the one-the-growth benefits of skyward growth rapidly diminished as downtown’s pre-automobile form was unable to adapt to an influx of Detroit’s four-wheeled offspring.  As a result, downtown Detroit experienced a rapid yet uneasy morphological transformation from a fine-grained walkable fabric toward a car-dominated archipelago of historic fabric, introverted architecture, interspersed with a sea of parking lots and garages. For over a century, downtown Detroit has effectively ‘dehumanized’ itself, transforming its buildings and public spaces for people toward car parking. Parking has especially eroded the periphery of downtown Detroit, effectively creating an automobile fringe belt through decline rather than growth cycles (Whitehand, 1988). This paper will survey this process of transformation in narrative form and a series of morphological maps based on a range of private and public sources, ending on a somewhat positive note with today’s reappreciation of downtown. THE CANARY IN THE COALMINE Like most other American downtowns, Detroit’s downtown skyline rapidly transformed during the 1910s and 1920s. Transforming from a northern provincial town into an international center of 2 ISUF 2020 Cities in the Twenty-first Century automotive production, Detroit experienced some of the most rapid population and economic expansions known in the United States. While most growth was outward – the result of cultural pastoralism and anti-urban industrialists like Henry Ford – downtown reflected the city’s new role in the form of a construction boom during the first three decades of the 20th century. A motley crew of local boosterists, retail and entertainment magnates and national banking conglomerates transformed the downtown skyline in a series of superlatives – from the Art Deco glamour of the Guardian Building and the Fox Theatre to Hudson’s, America’s second-largest department store. Down at eye level, Ukrainian car parts salesman Max Goldberg built an entirely different empire – of private, off-street parking lots. Understanding the value of private lots to house Detroit’s growing cohort of cars parked in downtown, Goldberg’s empire expanded from a single 1917 lot to dozens of owned and managed lots in the 1930s. These lots formed at the fringes of downtown, servicing the needs of new skyscrapers, while cutting them off from the older neighborhoods surrounding the city. By 1929, one can already recognize a solid ring of parking around the downtown – covering enough unpaved land to throw veritable dust storms at times of drought (Kickert, 2019). A series of widened arterials cut through the periphery of downtown to keep downtown accessible to cars, further eroding walkability and transit access. In a sense, downtown had become the canary in Detroit’s coalmine of morphological and socio-economic decline.  Figure 1. Buildings added (green) and removed (red) in downtown Detroit between 1921 and 1929 demonstrate a dichotomy between central skyscraper construction and peripheral parking lot demolition. 3 ISUF 2020 Cities in the Twenty-first Century MODERN REINVENTION  Initially, car parking was simply an issue of capacity in a downtown that remained at the region’s center. By the 1940s, it became clear that the car was taking residents away from Detroit and its downtown more than the other way around. A ring of secondary shopping and office centers had grown around the city, threatening the hegemony of downtown as a commercial destination. In a bid to maintain downtown accessibility to Detroit’s automobile middle and upper class, City Hall aggressively became involved in forcing downtown into the automobile era. Drastic urban renewal and infrastructure projects cut through the downtown periphery, already eroded by parking and undermaintained neighborhoods – often housing African Americans. The planning mantra was to beat Detroit’s prospering suburbs at their own game, by making downtown into a car-accessible middle class environment. Under newly hired planner-engineer Charles Blesssing, thousands of inner city residents, homes, businesses and entire blocks were bulldozed to make way for an auto-centric “Dream City” of highways, Modernist housing, office towers, and parking garages. Effectively, this dream paved over the fringe belt that had grown around downtown since the 1920s, solidifying a ragged pattern of remaining buildings and gravel lots into a concrete world of ramps and towers. Yet in many cases, this dream failed to materialize as market demand stalled after Detroit’s population and economic peak during the 1950s, leaving swaths of peripheral land vacant for decades to follow.   Figure 2. Downtown urban form in 1951 (left) and 1967 (right) show the extent of Modernist renewal. In 1967, Detroit experienced some of America’s worst civil disorders, reflecting African American dissent with decades of segregration, lack of opportunities and police brutality. As a result, downtown Detroit’s gradual decline accelerated, leaving offices, retailers and homes empty. By the 1970s, downtown was no longer shaped by the public forces of urban planners and traffic engineers, but by the private forces of large corporations and real estate developers. Interestingly, this regime shift hardly decelerated the trend of coarsening downtown’s urban fabric toward car accessibility, as a “postmodern urbanism” geared around safety and simulation reigned (Ellin, 1996). The Renaissance Center, a 1977 mixed-use office, retail and hotel complex notoriously had no front door, welcoming visitors only through a web of surrounding parking garages and lots. Surrounding new construction similarly turned away from the street, instead internalizing public life into interior atriums, walkways and courts. Under various mayoral reigns, this pattern exacerbated 4 ISUF 2020 Cities in the Twenty-first Century to the point that private developers were able to obtain, demolish and rebuild entire downtown districts for office campuses, sports palaces and casino complexes. By the turn of the 21st century, this car-centric architecture and urbanism had effectively turned downtown into its own parasite – the suburb.  Figure 3. Construction and demolition between 2001 and 2011 shows the construction of multi-block casinos and sports complexes. POSTMODERN REAPPRECIATION – AT LEAST IN PART  By 2010, downtown Detroit had transformed itself into a leisure destination, welcoming suburbanites to visit for sports and gambling, with freeways and car parking allowing for easy car access, but most importantly an easy exit from downtown. Most remaining historic buildings that used to cater to pedestrians sat empty, awaiting a new purpose. Historic preservation efforts, no matter how valiant, simply could not counter a stagnant market and sky-high renovation costs after decades of vacancy and neglect. This paradigm shifted with the rediscovery of downtown as the home of a young, educated Creative Class cohort of workers, visitors, and residents, by local mortgage billionaire Daniel “Dan” Gilbert. Discovering the value of downtown’s historic buildings as a unique setting for his envisioned workers, Gilbert set off on a “skyscraper sale”, now owning over 100 historic downtown buildings, which he has transformed into offices, homes, bars, restaurants and shops (Gallagher, 2014). Gilbert followed his predecessors accumulation of downtown land and buildings, yet he understands the value of a walkable and fine-grained urban 5 ISUF 2020 Cities in the Twenty-first Century fabric – at least for those who can afford it. What can be seen as a revived walkable mecca for urbanites, can also be seen as a sanitized “urbanoid environment”, free of any of the grit and risks that define the rest of Detroit (Goldberger, 1996). CONCLUSIONS When taking count of downtown’s transformation between 1920 and 2020, one may think of a near-constant narrative of decline and erosion. The morphological maps have been combined with GIS measurements of building volume to derive the total floor area size of downtown, which actually reveals that while downtown shrank from 1929 onward, it actually rebounded in size after the city’s 1967 civil disorder nadir. Decades of failed urban renewal proved to fuel the most prolific decline. However, when taking into account how much construction is for car parking, one can see that after 1967, the city has continued to shrink its built area for people, instead replacing it with buildings for cars. Between 2011 and 2018, this accounted for around 80% of new construction. Similarly, the majority of downtown space remains the territory of automobiles. Despite the launch of the city’s first streetcar system since the 1950s, as well as bicycle sharing programs, downtown remains an island surrounded by car parking and freeways in the Motor City. A century after its first opening, downtown’s fringe belt is proving quite resilient to change.   Figure 4. Floor space of all downtown buildings in square feet, including parking. REFERENCES Ellin N. (1996) Postmodern urbanism, Cambridge, Mass.: Blackwell. Gallagher J. (2014) Dan Gilbert is doing more than buying, he's leaving design mark on downtown Detroit. Detroit Free Press. Detroit. Goldberger P. (1996) The rise of the private city. In: Vitullo-Martin J (ed) Breaking away: the future of cities - essays in memory of Robert F. Wagner Jnr. New York: The Twentieth Century Fund Press. Kickert C. (2019) Dream City: Creation, Destruction, and Reinvention in Downtown Detroit: Mit Press. 010,000,00020,000,00030,000,00040,000,00050,000,00060,000,00070,000,00080,000,0001921193119411951196119711981199120012011Square feetYearDowntown floor space with parkingAll buildings Parking buildings6 ISUF 2020 Cities in the Twenty-first Century Whitehand J. (1988) Urban fringe belts: development of an idea. Planning perspectives 3: 47-58.  CORRESPONDING AUTHOR Conrad Kickert, Assistant Professor of Urban Design, School of Planning, University of Cincinnati, 2624 Clifton Avenue, Cincinnati, OH, 45221, USA kickercd@ucmail.uc.edu @conradkickert 

Automobile erosion in downtown Detroit - 1920-2020

Assreuy, Patricia Martins

Soares de Medeiros, Valério Augusto

(IR)Regularity: patterns of urban growth in Brasília's satellite cities - the case of Sobradinho II

Gomes, Ramon F.

Bitencourt, Ricardo B.

Morphological contrast and urban policies on the border of Brazil and Paraguay

Lu, Danling

Huang, Yuan

Zhou, Chijie

Yu, Peiman

ISUF 2020: CITIES IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY   ANNUAL HEAT ISLAND MAGNITUDE OF DIFFERENT URBAN FORM TYPES BASED ON MOBILE SURVEYS  Danling Lu, Graduate student of the School of Urban Planning,Southwest Jiaotong University, China.  Yuan Huang*, Professor of the School of Urban Planning, Southwest Jiaotong University, China. Chijie Zhou, Undergraduate student of the School of Electrical Engineering and Automation, Southwest Jiaotong University, China. Peiman Yu, Graduate student of the School of Urban Planning, Southwest Jiaotong University, China. ABSTRACT Local Climate Zones (LCZs), from the perspective of urban form typology, interprets the principles of urban thermal climate, which can realize the standardized comparison of the thermal environment differences between any urban form types, and promote the study of urban heat island. This paper introduces the LCZ and adopts mobile survey to collect morphological data and thermal environment data for 18 months in the urban-rural junction area of Southwest Jiaotong University, Pidu District, Chengdu. This study’s purpose is to discusses the relationship between different urban form types, morphological indicators and heat island magnitude, and finally verify the rationality and effectiveness of the application of LCZ in the urban-rural junction area, which is beneficial to provide new directions for the exploration of sustainable urban form at block scale. Keywords: urban form,Local Climate Zones,urban-rural junction,mobile survey,heat island magnitude.  INTRODUCTION  Rapid pace of urbanization is leading to the intensification of urban heat island, and sustainable urban development is a priority. In recent years, research on urban sustainable form development has attracted much attention, and exploring the relationship between urban form and urban heat island has become a research hot spot, which has greatly promoted the research on heat island. Local Climate Zones（LCZs）(Stewart& Oke,2012) uses urban morphological language to explain the principles of urban thermal climate and divides urban form and surface landscape into 17 types. This classification scheme breaks the traditional definition of heat island intensity for the temperature difference between urban and rural areas, and achieves a standardized comparison of thermal environment differences between any morphological types within the city, that is, "local heat island magnitude". Since LCZs was put forward in 2012, it has carried out studies on the differences between different types of urban heat islands and the influencing factors of urban heat island in more than 130 cities and regions(Stewart et al., 2014; Alexander & Mills, 2014; Leconte et al., 2015;Chen&Huang,2019). However, related researches mostly take small and medium-sized cities as the research object, the studies on the comparison of diverse samples in local areas of cities are relatively limited. Especially in China, there are few studies on the observation of thermal climate features in the urban-rural junction area where large-scale built-up areas and natural areas are highly intertwined. BACKGROUND  Mobile survey can use limited instruments to capture high-coverage urban form information and environmental temperature in the study area in a short time, becoming one of the most classic 2 ISUF 2020 Cities in the Twenty-first Century methods of data collection. Bicycle survey can capture more information about urban form that are not available in open urban data, and obtain detailed information on air temperature fields in areas where cars cannot pass (Lehnert et al., 2018). It is a new and more promising method for data collection at block scale. Long-term mobile surveys will cost a lot of manpower and material resources, but the changes in the built form(Kotharkar et al., 2019), seasonality of plants (Yang et al., 2018) and human activities (Stewart et al., 2014) have a comprehensive effect on the urban heat island, which will cause fluctuations in the annual urban heat island effect. Long-term research is particularly necessary. This study trys to apply LCZs to the urban-rural junction area of the Southwest Jiaotong University in the Pidu District, Chengdu and aims to test its rationality and applicability. Bicycle surveys are used in urban-rural junction with station surveys to collect urban form information and long-term night heat island observations to study the annual change characteristics of the heat island effect, considering the impact of built form, plants, human activities and other factors on the urban heat island. METHODOLOGY  1.Sample selection and survey route The area of Southwest Jiaotong University, Pidu District, Chengdu, where compact mid-rise built area and natural area are highly intertwined, is more suitable for bicycle surveys to collect urban spatial patterns and thermal environment data on the mobile survey scale. This paper use the photos and videos taken by mobile survey and combine with the urban open data to calculate the sky view factor (SVF) and other morphological indicators in the study area, and then classify the LCZ types of different samples. Finally, 11 LCZ samples in the area were selected for long-term temperature observations, including 6 purely built samples, 1 built-natural sample, 3 natural samples, and 1 sample of LCZ type changed from built to natural coverage due to human activities (Figure 1).  LCZ  Sample name Satellite Map LCZ Sample name Satellite Map LCZ Sample name Satellite Map LCZ Sample name Satellite Map LCZ2E Linwan Village  LCZ5 TangRong Yuan  LCZ5 Southern District Dormitory  LCZBG Xipu Lake  LCZ4 Jinyuan  LCZ5 Xihui Jinyuan  LCZ9* Datian Road Farmhouse  LCZD Datian Road Farmland  3 ISUF 2020 Cities in the Twenty-first Century LCZ4 Jinyuan Phase II  LCZ5 North District Dormitory  LCZB Southern District Park    Figure 1 This is a table that introduces the LCZ type of selected samples. The observation route is a single line, from south to north, from the compact built area (Linwan Village) through the center of all the research samples and avoid the route being too long to the natural area (Datian Road farmland/farmhouse). The length of the whole route is 12km(Figure 2), and it takes about 80-90 minutes for a bicycle survey. At the starting point of the observation, the rider uses the Bluetooth connection to start the automatic temperature and humidity measuring instrument about 1.5m from the ground, and the GPS logger on the chest, then rides according to the pre-routed route.At the same time,the fixed stations also start data collection. In order to accurately carry out the simultaneous correction of the data of various samples , 5 fixed stations were set in the built and natural samples (Figure 2).  Figure 2. Observation samples and route map 2.Typical observation days From August 2018 to January 2020, the team carried out 34 mobile survey experiments, covering the four seasons. The weather factor( W) (Stewart et al., 2014) evaluation method was used to 4 ISUF 2020 Cities in the Twenty-first Century quantify the weather conditions on the day of observation, and the day with  W≥0.8 and without precipitation before 24h was regarded as the ideal observation day. In total, 19 days are selected. 3.Heat island magnitude solution The LCZD in the study area are affected by human activities (surface coverage, man-made heat removal), its type changed throughout the year.Therefore, the more stable sample LCZ5 (North District Dormitory) with fixed station is used as a basic case to calculate the local heat island magnitude. The magnitude is defined as the temperature difference between other LCZ typesi and LCZ5 (North District Dormitory),which isΔT!"#$ − ΔT!"#%（&'()*	,-.)(-/)	,'(0-)'(1）,or ΔT!"#$2!"#%. FINDINGS 1.Morphological characteristics of different samples Based on the sample form data obtained by the mobile survey, morphological indicators of 11 LCZ samples are as follows(Figure 3), where  sky,  v and  b are the key indicators that affect the heat island(Kotharkar et al., 2019). In all samples, natural samples have a larger  sky than built samples, but the  sky of LCZB is close to built type due to trees. The law of   v is: compact built type (LCZ2E) <open built type (LCZ4/5) <sparsely built type (LCZ9)<natural type (LCZD/B/BG). In the built samples, the law of  b is: compact built(LCZ2E)>open built(LCZ4/5)>sparsely built (LCZ9). The characteristic parameter values of LCZ4 and LCZ5 are similar, and the characteristics of LCZ9 is close to the natural sample.  LCZ Type Sample name Characteristic Parametersa  b (%)  H (m)  sky  v (%)  i (%) LCZ 2E Linwan Village 41 17 0.63 6.6 b 52.4 b LCZ 4 Jinyuan 30.1 33 0.55 31.5 37.7 Jinyuan Phase II 27.4 33 0.59 34.0 38.6 LCZ 5 Xihui Jinyuan 28.7 25 0.53 27.4 43.9 TangRong Yuan 27.7 17 0.68 35.5 36.8 North District Dormitory 27.0 17 0.64 39.4 33.6 Southern District Dormitory 26.7 17 0.66 28.4 44.7 LCZ 9/LCZ DE/LCZ CDW/ LCZ CWE/LCZ DCE* Datian Road Farmhouse 10.0 4 0.86 84.6 6.5 LCZ B Southern District Park 0.8 3 0.63 94.5 4.7 LCZ BG Xipu Lake 8.9 3 0.83 b 84.6 b 6.5 LCZ D/LCZ DC/LCZ CD* Datian Road Farmland 0 <1 1.00 96.5 3.5 a  b is the building surface fraction,  H is the height of roughness elements,  sky is the sky view factor,  v is the pervious surface fraction,  i is the impervious surface fraction;bExceeds the threshold of the corresponding LCZ category indicator；* Mean 5 ISUF 2020 Cities in the Twenty-first Century the type corresponding to the sample at the beginning of the observation, and then its type changes due to building demolition or seasonal vegetation replacement. Figure 3 This is a table that shows morphological indicators of selected LCZ samples. 2.Sample types and heat island magnitude Based on the observation results of 19 ideal observation days, the project team analysised the night heat island magnitude boxplot of each LCZ (Figure 4). Linwan Village (LCZ2E) is the sample with the largest heat island magnitude relative to the North District dormitory (LCZ5), with a median value of 1.0K, and the samples with the smallest heat island magnitude are Datian Road Farmland and Datian Road Farmhouse, they are -2.7K,-2.2K. The interquartile range in the boxplots show that the annual heat island magnitude fluctuations of natural coverage samples (LCZB/LCZBG and Datian Road Farmland/Datian Road Farmhouse) are relatively large, which are 0.98, 0.49, 1.68, 1.34, it is related to the seasonal changes of plants and the annual changes of human activities (mainly surface coverage). However, compared with LCZB, LCZBG has a smaller fluctuation range. Because the LCZBG contains a large amount of water, the specific heat capacity of the water is large, so the temperature of the lake surface changes slowly, and the temperature of the adjacent air also changes slowly. The fluctuation of the heat island magnitude of the built samples (LCZ2E/LCZ4/LCZ5) is basically smaller than that of the natural samples, which are all less than 0.9. LCZ2E is a compact midrise commercial and residential mixed zone, and the fluctuations of the heat island are mostly unstable due to human activities and unstable artificial heat removal. LCZ4 and LCZ5 are mostly residential areas with lush plants, so heat island changes are mostly related to seasonal changes of plants. 3.Morphological indicator and heat island magnitude The magnitude of 7 types of local heat islands with different surface morphological characteristics are very different. The heat island magnitude of the built samples (except for Datian Road Farmhouse) are larger than the natural samples. Because the  sky of natural samples are larger than the built samples, the built samples are covered by more sky, making it difficult for heat radiation to dissipate heat to the sky. In addition,  v for the natural samples are much larger than the built-up samples, and more permeable ground helps to reduce the heat island effect. It can be speculated that increasing both  sky and  v has the potential to reduce the magnitude of the heat island.  6 ISUF 2020 Cities in the Twenty-first Century  Figure 4. Box plots of heat island magnitude of selected zones  Among the built samples, compact type (LCZ2E) is hotter than open type (LCZ4/5) and sparsely type (LCZ9), because the  b of the compact sample is higher, and there is more permeable ground and tree planting, transpiration and daytime shading helps to slow down the heat island effect at night. It can be speculated that the sample  b is positively correlated with the local heat island magnitude, and  v is negatively correlated with the local heat island magnitude. The open type samples of LCZ4 and LCZ5, which have closely  b. The ZH of LCZ4 is slightly larger than that of LCZ5, but the heat island magnitude of LCZ4 and LCZ5 is not much different, and the regularity of the gap is not obvious. Therefore, The significant impact of ZH on urban heat island has not been captured in this experiment. In addition, the annual heat island magnitude of Datian Road Farmland and Datian Road Farmhouse is similar, which is related to the close morphological characteristics of the two(Stewart& Oke,2012).  CONCLUSIONS This paper has selected the urban-rural junction area where the compact midrise area and the natural area are highly coupled and intertwined, which is very suitable for the study of the local climate characteristics of different built forms and naturally covered land surface. This study has initially verified the rationality and application of LCZ in the urban-rural junction area and has promoted the research of the built form impact on the thermal environment in the urban-rural junction.  7 ISUF 2020 Cities in the Twenty-first Century LCZs is used to interpret the principles of thermal climate from the perspective of urban form classification, and to explore the magnitude difference of local heat island between different urban form types.At the same time, through the quantification of indicators for different urban form types, the law of morphological indicators and heat island magnitude are further discussed.This law can provide a reference for the regulation and design of urban form, and has a positive significance for the exploration of sustainable urban block form.  REFERENCES Stewart, I. D., & Oke, T. R.(2012) ‘Local climate zones for urban temperature studies, Bulletin of the American Meteorological Society, 93(12): 1879-1900. Stewart, I. D., Oke, T. R., & Krayenhoff, E. S.(2014) ‘Evaluation of the Local Climate Zone Scheme Using Temperature Observations and Model Simulations, International Journal of Climatology, 34(4): 1062-1080. Alexander, P., & Mills, G.(2014) ‘Local climate classification and Dublin’s urban heat island, Atmosphere, 5(4): 755-774. Leconte, F., Bouyer, J., Claverie, R., et al.(2015) ‘Using local climate zone scheme for UHI assessment: Evaluation of the method using mobile measurements, Building and Environment, 83: 39-49. Chen, F., Huang, Y.(2018) ‘A New Comparative Analysis of Local Urban Morphology Based on Local Climate Zones: A Study Using Mobile Surveys in Chengdu Testbed, Proceedings of the 25trd International Seminar on Urban Form, Krasnoyarsk, 758-771. Lehnert, A. M., Kubeček, J., Geletič, J., et al.(2018) ‘Identifying hot and cool spots in the city centre based on bicycle measurements: The case of Olomouc, Czech Republic, Geographica Pannonica, 22(4): 230-240.  Kotharkar, R. , Bagade, A., & Ramesh, A.(2019) ‘Assessing urban drivers of canopy layer urban heat island: A numerical modeling approach, Landscape and Urban Planning, 190(October 2019). Yang, X. S., Yao, L. Y., Jin, T., et al.(2018) ‘Assessing the Thermal Behavior of Different Local Climate Zones in the Nanjing Metropolis, China.Building and Environment, 137: 171-184. CORRESPONDING AUTHOR Yuan Huang,Associate Professor of School of Architecuture and Design,Xipu campus of Southwest Jiaotong University,West Park of Hi-Tech Zone,Chengdu,611756,China.  yuanhuang@swjtu.edu.cn   i Local temperature after the simultaneous correction of the observation data of LCZ sample 

Annual heat island magnitude of different urban form types based on mobile surveys

ISUF 2020: CITIES IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY   THE POTENTIAL OF ARTIFICIAL RECOGNITION FOR URBAN MORPHOLOGICAL CLASSIFICATION BASED ON URBAN OPEN-SOURCE DATA Peiman Yu, Graduate student of the School of Architecture and Design, Southwest Jiaotong University, China. Yuan Huang*, Professor of the School of Architecture and Design, Southwest Jiaotong University, China. Danling Lu, Graduate student of the School of Architecture and Design, Southwest Jiaotong University, China. ABSTRACT With the global data explosion, urban opening-source data has become a new data collection method for studying urban morphology. But most people only pay attention to the availability of machine learning and ignore the accuracy and availability of artificial attribute classification of urban opening-source data. Local Climate Zones（LCZs）provides a method for characterizing urban morphology accurately. Therefore, we take the downtown area of Chengdu as the research scope, convene students with sensitive morphological cognition and design background, and use the urban opening-source data to recognize the LCZ types artificially. We conclude that artificial recognition and urban opening-source data have certain potential and value in urban morphology classification, and it is worthy of our in-depth exploration. INTRODUCTION  The advantages of urban opening-source data are the key reason for being used widely in urban morphology. Local Climate Zone (Stewart and Oke, 2012) (Table 1) can be based on building height and density, vegetation condition, and other underlying surface-cover types. which can accurately characterize the urban morphology. Throughout the study of urban morphological classification, machine learning is the mainstream research method. Therefore, as the accuracy requirements of machine learning results become higher and higher, the artificial selection of early samples and the verification of later consequences also need to achieve satisfactory accuracy. Most scholars are only concerned about the feasibility of machine learning, while few development potential and feasibility of the artificial recognition have been studied.  Therefore, this paper takes the downtown area of Chengdu as the research scope, and explores the accuracy, availability, and development potential of artificial recognition for urban opening-source data. First, analyze the types and proportions of various LCZ types that are easily confused, and analyze the possible causes; then discuss the potential of artificial recognition and urban opening-source data in urban planning and prospects. BACKGROUND  In recent years, urban opening-source data has been born with the explosive growth of global data and the development of artificial intelligence. There are significant advantages, including wide coverage, large data volume, high resolution, and low cost. Therefore, they are widely used to study classification on urban morphology, such as the classification of New York City streets（Li X et al.,2017）, and the classification of the built environment related to walkability（White, J .T.，2013）. Local climate zones (Stewart and Oke, 2012) (Table 1) can accurately characterize the 2 ISUF 2020 Cities in the Twenty-first Century urban morphology, which is based on surface cover, structure, material, and human activity. Therefore, in recent years, LCZ maps have been drawn to classify urban morphology around the world. For example, World Urban Database and Access Portal Toolsi  have been used in Chengdu（Chen F. and Huang Y., 2018）, Guangzhou（Lelovics E. et al., 2014）, Lhasa（Huang Y. et al., 2018）, and western regions to call on global users to draw LCZ maps to collect Chinese urban morphology.  Urban types Rural types 1. Compact high-rise 6.Open low-rise A. Dense trees F. Bare soil or sand 2. Compact mid-rise 7. Lightweight low-rise B. Scattered trees  G. Water 3. Compact low-rise 8. Large low-rise C. Bush, scrub   4.open high-rise 9. Sparsely built  D.Low plants  5. open mid-rise  10. Heavy industry  E. Bare rock or paved  Table 1. 17 types of local climate zones (Stewart and Oke, 2012). METHODOLOGY  120 students were convened to complete this experiment, who are sensitive to urban morphological and have been trained for several years in the context of urban morphology. In order to collect data efficiently and standardly, the method is based on displaying sample pictures of urban opening-source data, referring to artificial classification guide and values of geometric and surface cover properties (Stewart and Oke, 2012), and filling out online questionnaires. In addition, one LCZ sample corresponds to a set of questionnairesii. The experimental steps are as follows: 1. The design of artificial recognition.  (1) Acquisition plan of urban opening-source data:① Aerial satellite maps are from Tencent Maps and Gaode Map platformsiii, and the boundary radius is 200~400m; Use Tencent Maps APIiv  to 3 ISUF 2020 Cities in the Twenty-first Century pick up street view maps, the pixels of which are 640*480, and 2 recognition points are selected according to the actual situation; ③ The ratio between the two is 1:2. ④ The order of resource acquisition : first calculate the building surface fraction of the satellite map, and then pick up the readable street view images within the corresponding plane range. Figure 1 is an example datav. (2) The design of the questionnaire: ① Investigate the regional background of the testees; ② The testees have been asked to recognize the index quantitatively and attribute classification qualitatively, and this questions are set in order from simple to complex;③In order to guarantee the publicity and effectiveness, each set of questionnaires must be completed within 1 minute; (3) The logical design of the artificial classification guide: the overall classification is based on 3 aspects of morphological characteristicsvi. ① First, the built-up building is divided into conventional and unconventional types, unconventional types include lightweight low-rise (LCZ7) characterized by light-weight building materials, large low-rise (LCZ8) characterized by large-scale volumes, and sparsely built (LCZ9) characterized by rural forms.②Then the building surface fraction is divided into compact, open, and sparse ③Finally, the building height is divided into high-rise (>25m), middle-level (10~25m), low-level (<10m) ; ④Through the superposition of the 3 aspects of morphological characteristics to achieve the attribute classification of LCZ types. 2. Selection of samples (1) Proportion of samples: according to the types and composition ratio in downtown Chengdu (Chen F. and Huang Y., 2018); (2) Calculation of indicators: building surface fraction is calculated in the satellite image and the aspect ratio is calculated in the street view. Based on the above principles and methods, 8 types and a total of 20 built-up LCZ samples were selected (Table 2). 3. Data processing scheme (1)  Compare the LCZ types guessed by the test participants with the actual LCZ types, and analyze and summarize the two types of data by a confusion matrix; (2) Analyze the possible reasons. 4 ISUF 2020 Cities in the Twenty-first Century  Figure 1. Example images for urban resource data.  LCZ1 LCZ2  LCZ2 LCZ2 LCZ3  LCZ3  LCZ4  LCZ4  LCZ4  LCZ5  LCZ5  LCZ5  5 ISUF 2020 Cities in the Twenty-first Century LCZ5 LCZ5 LCZ5  LCZ5 LCZ6 LCZ6 LCZ8 LCZ9 Table 2. Samples of Local Climate Zones based on Gaode map and Tencent map. FINDINGS  From the result of the confusion matrixvii of the test (Figure 2), it is found that the testees' ability to capture the urban morphology through the urban opening-source data is uneven in various LCZ types. The recognition accuracy of the open built zones（e.g., LCZs 4–6）is lower, however, the recognition accuracy of the compact built zones（e.g., LCZs 1–3） is higher. In addition, the types and proportions that are particularly confusing are concluded in Table 3, and analyze possible causes. 1. The most confused LCZ types  It can be seen from Figure 3 that the most confusing LCZ pair types are open midrise (LCZ5) and compact midrise (LCZ2), with an average confusion rate of up to 58.72%; followed by open high-rise (LCZ4) and compact high-rise (LCZ1) have a confusion rate of 41.04%. These two pairs of LCZ types are one-way confusion type, that is, the open types is easier to be recognized as the open types, and the reverse is not easy. However, there is a two-way confusion between the open low-rise (LCZ6) and the compact low-rise (LCZ3), The average confusion rate is 25.4%, which may have a lower visual grasp of the low-rise building scale than the middle and high-rise buildings, so it is not easy to distinguish.  2. Reasons for possible confusion (1) In the aerial satellite image, the proportion of building surface fraction would be increased because of the building facade can easily be recognized as the building roof. The aspect ratio of the high-rise and middle-level samples visually will be much larger than the actual and theoretical LCZs. (2) Within the limits of the central urban area of Chengdu, the small number of compact built zones（e.g., LCZs 1–3）leads to the testees not knowing much about it and unable to make correct decisions. 6 ISUF 2020 Cities in the Twenty-first Century  Figure 2. Confusion matrix of LCZ actual type (vertical) and participant guess type (horizontal). CONCLUSIONS The results preliminarily prove that urban opening-source data has the potential to provide useful information for urban morphology classification, and also prove that artificial recognition is a method of obtaining information worth digging.In the future, how to efficiently classify attributes of the urban opening-source data to explore the urban morphology? The key conclusions and recommendations are shown as follows: (1) Increase the amount of data in open built zones (e.g., LCZs 4–6): open built zones (e.g., LCZs 4–6) are easily recognized as compact built zones (e.g., LCZs 1–3). Therefore, we can appropriately increase the number of urban opening-source data of open built zones (e.g., LCZs 4–6) when selecting samples artificially;   (2) Eliminating the problems caused by the internal factors：collect the geographical background information of the testees in the early stage of the experiment, and determine the most suitable sample ratio according to the geographical background ratio; or conduct targeted and simple geographical cognitive training for the participants;  (3) Adjusting decision-making indicators: The building surface fraction and aspect ratio are important indicators that affect artificial classification. Therefore, they can be used as the main decision-making indicators for judging LCZ types. 7 ISUF 2020 Cities in the Twenty-first Century This study explores the potential of artificial classification and recognition through the attribute classification of urban opening-source data, and provides a basis and reference for future urban morphological classification based on the LCZ scheme.  Figure 3. Selection of actual and guess classes with high error rate in the LCZ recognition test. REFERENCES Li X, Zhang C, Li W. (2017) ‘Building block level urban land-use information retrieval based on Google street view images’, Giscience & Remote Sensing 54(6),819-835.  White, J. T. (2013) ‘Measuring urban design: Metrics for livable places’, Journal of Urban Design20(2) ,1-2. Stewart, I. D., & Oke, T. R. (2012) ‘Local climate zones for urban temperature studies. Bulletin of the American Meteorological Society 93(12), 1879-1900. Chen F., Huang Y. (2018) ‘A New Comparative Analysis of Local Urban Morphology Based on Local Climate Zones: A Study Using Mobile Surveys in Chengdu Testbed, Proceedings of the 25trd International Seminar on Urban Form, Krasnoyarsk, 758-771. Lelovics E., UNGER, J., Gal, T. et al. (2014) ‘Design of an urban monitoring network based on Local Climate Zone mapping and temperature pattern modelling[J]. Climate Research 60(1) ,51-62. Huang Y., Bian P., Cai W., Pan Y. (2018) ‘Lhasa Urban Morphology Evolution and Construction Patterns Analysis, Proceedings of the 25trd International Seminar on Urban Form, Krasnoyarsk,816-821. Danyl, O. O., See L, Bechtel, B., et al. (2017) ‘Contributing to WUDAPT: A local climate zone classification of two cities in Ukraine[J]. IEEE Journal of Selected Topics in Applied Earth Observations and Remote Sensing 9(5) ,1841–1853. 8 ISUF 2020 Cities in the Twenty-first Century CORRESPONDING AUTHOR Yuan Huang, Professor of School of Architecture and Design, Xipu campus of Southwest Jiaotong University, West Park of Hi-Tech Zone, Chengdu, 611756, China. yuanhuang@swjtu.edu.cn  i Referred to as WUDAPT; ii Based on the "Introduction to Green Architecture" and "Sustainable Environment and Design" interdisciplinary course support, students will complete the online quiz of "Urban Spatial Form Mining Quiz"； iii Since not all open platform remote sensing satellite images have good visual effects, two platforms are selected to complement; iv Set the yaw angle (heading) according to the specific situation: the angle with the north direction; set the unified pitch angle (pitch): the heading angle is -5 degrees； v According to the actual situation, there is no street view map available for the scattered low-level (LCZ9); vi Classified according to permutation and combination, and excluding types that are not logically established and rare in Chengdu; vii The diagonal part of the matrix (dark gray) indicates the LCZ classes that the participant correctly guessed, and the non-diagonal components (white and light gray) indicate the incorrect guessed LCZ classes, where the light gray part is the confusion mentioned above rates focus on the same incorrect type of guess LCZ classes; 

The potential of artificial recognition for urban morphological classification based on urban open-source data

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