Influence of the 2008 economic crisis on the functioning of the political system of contemporary Spain

December 20, 2015 marks the end of an important stage in the history of contemporary Spain. That day, elections were held to the Cortes Generales, the result of which ultimately confirmed the final disintegration of the prevailing order of power on the central political scene. The winning of a powerful position in the Congress of Deputies by two new state-wide parties - the Ciudadanos and Podemos - not only signified a transformation of the system, in which two political parties had previously dominated, into a multi-party model, but also resulted in the inability to form a central government. On 3 May 2016, for the first time since the establishment of a democratic political system after the death of General Francisco Franco, the Spanish government was dissolved and new elections were to be held, not by order of the prime minister, but by a decree of the monarch. Furthermore, the political stalemate that had already been predicted by the polls, as well as the significant increase of the separatist The events outlined above, which will be discussed more broadly further on, urge us to pose a research question on how the 2008 economic crisis has affected the functioning of the political system in contemporary Spain. Analysis of the political events taking place in the state makes us believe that it was this very factor that had the biggest impact on the course of a series of changes that took place therein. [fragm. tekstu

Corruption in Spain and Catalonia after 2008

e authors decided to deal with the theme of the influence of corruption on the political processes in contemporary Spain and Catalonia. e investigation of this problem requires the reference to both: a political situation in entire state and in the peripheral region, included in the territorial range of Spain. erefore, the main objective of the article is the attempt to answer three questions: 1) What is the corruptive phenomenon based on and why a public sphere is endangered with it to such a degree?, 2) How did the Spanish citizens react to corruptive processes a er 2008?, 3) Did Catalonia, whose politicians regard this region as definitely separate from Spain, differ considerably from a political centre and other regions of the country within intensity of the occurrence of corruptive phenomena a er 2008

Ślonsko godka - przaśny folklor czy język regionalny?

In two national censuses, made in the years 2002 and 2011, Silesians emerged as the largest minority occurring in the territory of the Polish Republic. Those researches show also that Silesians are the largest group that use its own ethnolect in domestic relations. In 2002, belonging to that minority declared 173 153 persons, and the use of Silesian ethnolect in domestic relations: 56 643 people. In 2011, the membership of this group declared more than 800 000 people, and the use of regional language more than 500 000. The problem lies in the fact that the Polish state does not recognize the existence of this minority in legal terms. This in turn results in increase of tensions between the center and periphery. Therefore the main purpose of this paper is to show efforts of the Silesian minority for a legal empowerment of the group, in particular, shows most advanced activities for the statutory recognition of the Silesian ethnolect as a regional language

Cechy hiszpańskiego systemu rządów

The Spanish political regime can be defined as a system of parliamentary government. The most characteristic features of it are: the dualism of executive, the neutral position of the head of state and the political responsibility of the government before the parliament. Besides, accepted legal solutions allow for the high effectiveness of the governmental action. The specification of the Spanish political stage, formed after 1978, allow to get closer to the model of the parliamentary government (in the case of existence of the majority government) or to the model of parliamentary committee (in the case of the minority government). Thus, the main aim of this article is to present some key features of the Spanish political regime

About the necessity of scientific research concerning regional and ethnoregional parties in Central and Eastern Europe

The history of states situated in Central and Eastern Europe in nineteenth and twentieth centuries differs significantly from the history of contemporary than western democracies. In nineteenth century, when the majority of states in Western Europe have shaped their own models of horizontal and vertical division of powers, states in Central and Eastern part of the continent have fought for their political position in the context of larger, complex states or didn`t exist at the map of the world at all. The short period of peace between the First and the Second World War has allowed for some experiments with democratic institutions and procedures, but there was no time for their consolidation. After the Second World War that part of Europe has fallen under the influence of the Soviet Union, losing the chance to implement political solutions known by the Western Europeans for more than 150 years. The democratic transition, started symbolically in 1989, has allowed to undertake new efforts to establish democratic orders in states of Central and Eastern Europe. However, the horizontal division of powers was far more important than the reflection on necessity of vertical organization of the public authority. Mentioned problems have decisively caused difficulties in defining relations between political centres and peripheries in states of the Central and Eastern Europe. But it does not mean that politically significant processes in these states are taking place only in political centres and their only actors are state-wide-parties. For that reason the main aim of this paper will be to justify the necessity of scientific research concerning regional and ethnoregional parties as well as proto-parties in Central and Eastern Europe

Partie etnoregionalne : szansa czy zagrożenie dla jednoczącej się Europy?

The analysis of the impact of European integration on ethnoregionalist parties in Europe has up until now received very little scholarly attention in Poland. For this reason the main aim of the presented paper is the analysis of the role of ethnoregionalist parties in the political decision-making process at the level of the region, the state and of the unifi ed Europe. The most important question is weather this group of non-state-wide parties should be seen like the opportunity or menace for the unified Europe

Cukrzyca u dzieci - etiopatogeneza, diagnostyka i terapia

W badaniach epidemiologicznych wykazano postępujący wzrost zapadalności na cukrzycę wśród dzieci i młodzieży. W ostatnich latach niepokojący jest dynamiczny wzrost zachorowań na cukrzycę w grupie dzieci najmłodszych. Zdecydowana większość przypadków cukrzycy rozpoznawanych u dzieci i młodzieży to cukrzyca typu 1. Wraz z rozwojem badań genetycznych i immunologicznych w praktyce pediatrycznej rozpoznaje się coraz więcej przypadków cukrzycy typu 2, cukrzycy monogenowej oraz złożonych zespołów genetycznych zawierających tę chorobę. Prawidłowa diagnostyka różnicowa cukrzycy ma bardzo istotne znaczenie praktyczne, ponieważ wpływa na sposób leczenia oraz prognozę postępu choroby. Rodzaj prowadzonej terapii zależy od typu cukrzycy, wieku pacjenta, jego potrzeb, możliwości i predyspozycji. Składa się na nią substytucja insuliny lub stosowanie doustnych leków przeciwcukrzycowych, monitorowanie glikemii, dieta, trening fizyczny, profilaktyka ostrych i przewlekłych powikłań choroby. Dziecko z rozpoznaną cukrzycą powinno być wraz ze swoją rodziną pod opieką zespołu specjalistów, którzy mają doświadczenie i rozumieją zarówno potrzeby diabetologiczne, jak i pediatryczne pacjenta chorego na cukrzycę. W skład specjalistycznego zespołu diabetologicznego wchodzą: lekarz pediatra ze specjalizacją w zakresie diabetologii lub endokrynologii, pielęgniarka edukacyjna, dietetyk, psycholog oraz pracownik socjalny

System wyborczy w państwie wielonarodowym : Analiza przypadku Hiszpanii

Multinationalism is one of the most important features of the Spanish state. After General Franco`s death in 1975 the nature of this political reality has induced the political elites to begin the process of construction of so-called regional state. The recognition of the principle of pluralism has binded members of the Spanish parliament to pass the electoral law which ensure that all territorial groups may have their representation in representative bodies in four levels of the political decision making process: European, national, regional and the local one. Thus, the main aim of this article is to present some basics of the legal solutions adopted in the Spanish electoral law, which in one hand allow to save the unitary state, but on the other hand ensure the respect of the ethnoregional minorities rights