Indefinites in Comparatives

Abstract

The goal of this paper is to explain the meaning and distribution of indefinites in comparatives, focusing on the case of English some and any and German irgend-indefinites. We combine three competing theories of comparatives with an alternative semantics of some and any, and a novel account of stressed irgend-indefinites. One of the resulting theories, based on Heim’s (2006) analysis of comparatives, predicts all the relevant differences in quantificational force, and explains why free choice indefinites are licensed in comparatives

    Similar works