Those who traditionally attend racially similar schools tend to seek out a similar environment for their own children, a trend which can reinforce school segregation. Genevieve Siegel-Hawley, Stefani Thachik and Kim Bridges have studied families in a gentrifying neighborhood, finding that many who came from privileged backgrounds wished to send their own children to public schools and to invest in them in order to demonstrate their commitment to the neighborhood

Bridges, Kim

Siegel-Hawley, Genevieve

Thachik, Stefani

LSE Research Online

3/4/2017How families from gentrifying neighborhoods can help break thecycle of school segregationblogs.lse.ac.uk/usappblog/2017/03/04/how-families-from-gentrifying-neighborhoods-can-help-break-the-cycle-of-school-segregation/Those who traditionally attend racially similar schools tend to seek out a similar environment fortheir own children, a trend which can reinforce school segregation. Genevieve Siegel-Hawley,Stefani Thachik and Kim Bridges has studied families in a gentrifying neighborhood, and findsthat many who came from privileged backgrounds wished to send their own children to publicschools and to invest in them in order to demonstrate their commitment to the neighborhood. As cities across the US experience unprecedented demographic shifts, new opportunities emergefor integrating urban schools. Yet crucial challenges persist, even when school stakeholders havean equity and inclusion focus.  In a recent study, we explored the experiences and impacts of alargely white group of parents committed to investing in and reforming—through the establishmentof a whole-school International Baccalaureate program—their gentrifying neighborhood’selementary school.For our study, we interviewed 14 families and stakeholders (parents and community leaders) in ademographically-changing, mid-sized southern city to understand how participants’ experiencesinfluenced what they wanted for their students’ school.   We found that families who seek to improvetheir children’s schools faced a number of challenges, including difficulties working with school staffand leadership, and a degree of isolation from other parents.We analyzed these interviews through the lens of two important desegregation theories.  GordonAllport’s intergroup contact theory, outlined in a 1954 book The Nature of Prejudice, suggested fourconditions to ensure that contact between different groups reduced prejudice: equal status amongmembers, cooperative work, common goals and strong leadership support.  Perpetuation theorysuggests that segregation has an intergenerational effect—such that attending a racially similar school environmentas a child makes one more likely to seek out similar settings for offspring.  The seminal, 1990s-era study illuminatingperpetuation theory, by Amy Stuart Wells and Robert Crain, examined the effects of school desegregation on thechoices of black students with regard to colleges, workplaces and neighborhoods.Our interviews revealed a variety of promising pre-conditions for the transition from a high poverty, racially- andeconomically-segregated neighborhood school to one of racial and socioeconomic diversity: a group of familiesintentionally seeking out and using their nearby school, a faith-based calling to community values and social justice,an attention to systemic and historical issues of race and class, and a desire to avoid neighborhood and schoolgentrification that would negatively impact equity. The reinvesting parents (parents who were interested in makingtheir children’s school better), guided by school- and district-level leadership, pursued an equitable school reformsolution for all students.  They also chose not to pursue a charter school model, which could have exacerbatedsegregation.The reinvestment process also faced key challenges.  Interviewees revealed anxieties noted in both national andinternational studies, including tensions between their values and their concerns for their children’s educational anddevelopment experiences, the need for a support system of similarly-situated families, and a push to cluster theirown students with teachers identified as acceptable within their own social group. Many of the initial reinvestingfamilies came from privileged backgrounds and did not experience diverse school experiences themselves,contradicting perpetuation theory.  In this case, participants’ own exclusive school backgrounds helped shape theirchoice to live, send their children to public school, and interact with diverse families in a very different urban context.1/3 Even though these parents broke the perpetuating cycle of segregation, their relative unfamiliarity with cross-racialrelationships may have contributed to the challenges that arose.Interviewees also noted the failure to cooperate on a long term basis with the principal and the perception of a lackof supportive leadership from her.  Expectations of differential treatment for the children of the initial group (e.g.,assignment to a teacher of the parents’—not the leader’s—choosing), as well as the principal’s acquiescence tothose requests, put the principal in an awkward position and produced unequal status between existing andreinvesting families. These dynamics contradict Allport’s conditions of shared goals and equal status amongdifferent groups.Our findings also yielded little evidence of extensive contact between the new parents and existing parents in theschool. Multiple participants from the initial group of reinvesting parents expressed a strong desire to “be heard” anda realization that they could employ their collective power and resources to effect change.  But these newer parentsoften contrasted their actions with those of current parents, whom they described as disempowered or lacking thecapacity to effect change.  Most of the new parents noted either satisfaction with the school from existing parents(and thus a lack of shared reform goals) or empathy with current parents’ inability to be present in the school. As aresult of these observations, they worked primarily with staff and the principal rather than existing school families.Our study shows the importance of leadership, resources, and policy to support integration efforts in rapidly shiftingschool environments. Policies that encourage more systemic societal integration for younger children—inclusionaryzoning or voluntary school integration plans that reach across city-suburban lines, for instance—would provideimportant early experiences navigating racial and socioeconomic divisions.  In essence, more wide scaleopportunities for children of all backgrounds to meaningfully come into contact with different groups–beforestereotypes and misunderstandings harden–could alleviate the need for extensive adult training in such skills. TheUSDOE’s Equity Assistance Centers  provide technical assistance for establishing such policies, but many districtand regional leaders don’t know this resource is available.Stakeholders need to keep key conditions in mind, including equal status (e.g., eliminating racial and economicdisparities in classroom assignments, gifted identification, parent-teacher organizations, etc.) and common goals. Principals must have the capacity and opportunity to broaden the leadership skills that may have brought success ina high poverty environment. Schools in diversifying areas should seek out staff who can act as cultural brokers andwho can ensure Allport’s four conditions for positive intergroup contact. Targeted training also can help leaders,staff, and parents adapt to changing conditions and varied parental expectations without sacrificing the needs ofexisting families and students. During the desegregation era, a relatively small federal grant called the EmergencySchool Aid Act (ESAA) provided training funds for school personnel working with and teaching diverse studentpopulations. Given the shifts occurring in metropolitan schools today, a similar, but greatly expanded, effort seemsessential.As systems, teachers, principals and families navigate the rapid demographic transformations taking place in urbanschools across the country, positive intent, hard work, and commitment to equity are a great start, but they are notsufficient. Urban school stakeholders need support to leverage the strengths of their increasing diversity to createintegrated settings with inter-generational benefits.This article is based on the paper, ‘Reform With Reinvestment Values and Tensions in Gentrifying Urban Schools’ ,in Education and Urban Society.Featured imagecredit: Quinn Dombrowski (Flickr, CC-BY-SA-2.0)Please read our comments policy before commenting.           Note:  This article gives the views of the author, and not the position of USAPP – American Politics and Policy, northe London School of Economics.2/3Shortened URL for this post: http://bit.ly/2mDG0H6_________________________________About the authorsGenevieve Siegel-Hawley – Virginia Commonwealth UniversityGenevieve Siegel-Hawley is an assistant professor in the Department of Educational Leadership atVirginia Commonwealth University’s School of Education. Her research focuses on segregation,inequality, and opportunity in US schools, along with policy options to promote an inclusive,integrated society. Stefani Thachik – University of North Carolina at CharlotteStefani Thachik is the assistant director of business honors programs at the University of NorthCarolina at Charlotte. Currently, her research focuses on investigating the sociocultural contexts ofeducational policy and practice, with a focus on aligning K-12 and higher education. Kim Bridges – Harvard Graduate School of EducationKim Bridges is a doctoral student in the Education Leadership program at the Harvard GraduateSchool of Education. Her interests include urban school system leadership and governance toincrease opportunity, achievement, and diversity in K-12 settings.CC BY-NC 3.0 2015 LSE USAPP3/3

How families from gentrifying neighborhoods can help break the cycle of school segregation

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