위안부 운동의 전개과정과 시민사회의 역할

Abstract

학위논문(석사) -- 서울대학교대학원 : 국제대학원 국제학과(국제지역학전공), 2023. 2. 박철희.Despite mutual benefits of cooperation, historical animosity remains as the prime obstacle for further cooperation between Korea and Japan. Amongst many historical problems, the comfort women issue remains as the center of contention where it lingers as the prime obstacle to the bilateral relationship. What is so special about the comfort women issue that it persists so long? Why are people overly sensitive about the issue? And why is especially difficult to reconcile the comfort women issue? This research finds the answer to the peculiarity of the comfort women controversy in the unique development of the comfort women activism in Korea and Japan. It finds the role of civic organization as the determining factor for such peculiarity. The main argument of this research is as follows. In Korea, comfort women issue was discovered and developed not by the Korean government, but by a strong civil group, the Korean Council for Justice and Remembrance for the Issues of Military Sexual Slavery by Japan (hence the Korean Council). This phenomenon has led to an over-representation of the Korean Council and mis-representation of the Korean government. The nationalistic discourse of the Korean Council has led nationalism to be the dominant voice in Korea, making comfort women issue as the symbolic representation of national suffering, while their unique redressive acts have further limited the Korean governments capacity to negotiate as it went beyond the state parameter. In Japan, the Korean Council and their unique redressive acts, especially their attempts for internationalization of the issue not only failed to institutionalize apologetic discourse within Japanese society, but was actively used by the right-wing civil society as a symbolic representation of national humiliation and defamation, institutionalizing right-wing mobilization. Especially with changes in political environs and rise of conservativism, their voices grew stronger, and their own redressive acts further limited the Japanese governments capacity for negotiation. These factors will be systematically analyzed through the concept of Putnams two-level game to highlight how these domestic ratifications influence foreign policy outcome.한. 일 협력의 상호 이익에도 불구하고, 두 나라간 역사적 적대감은 더 깊은 협력을 막는 주요 장애물로 남아 있다. 많은 역사적 문제들 중, 위안부 문제는 특히 논쟁의 중심으로 남아 있다. 위안부 문제는 그 어떤 문제들보다 더 오래 지속되고 있고, 유독 더 민감하다. 본 연구는 이러한 위안부 문제의 특수성에 대한 해답을 한국과 일본 위안부 운동의 독특한 전개에서 찾고 시민단체의 역할을 결정요인으로 구분 짓는다. 본 연구의 주요 논점은 다음과 같다. 한국에서는 위안부 문제가 한국 정부가 아닌 강력한 시민 단체인 정대협에 의해 발견되고 발전되었다. 이 같은 현상은 정대협의 과잉대표와 한국 정부의 잘못된 대표성을 초래했다. 정대협의 민족주의적 담론은 민족주의를 한국사회의 지배적인 목소리로 이끌었고, 위안부 문제는 민족적 고통의 상징으로 대변되었다. 또한 그들의 다양한 행위 (redressive acts)는 한국 정부의 협상 능력을 저하시켰다. 일본에서는 위안부 문제의 국제화 시도가 일본 사회 내에서 사과 담론을 제도화하는데 실패했을 뿐만 아니라, 역설적으로 우익 시민사회로 인해 민족적 굴욕과 국가 명예훼손으로 인식되고 적극적으로 활용되었다. 우익의 동원, 특히 정치적 환경의 변화와 보수주의의 대두로 이들의 목소리는 더욱 거세 졌고 이러한 요소들이 일본 정부의 협상 능력을 제한하는 변수로 작동되었다. 본 연구는 이러한 요소들을 푸트남 (Putnam)의 양면 게임 이론 (two-level game)을 통해 체계적으로 분석하여 이러한 한일 양국간의 시민사회 역할이 외교정책 결과에 어떤 영향을 미치는지 조명하고자 한다. 즉 국내 외교의 원천이 국제 협상에 어떠한 영향을 미치는지 분석하고자 한다.Abstract Chapter I. Introduction 1. 1. Background 1. 2. Literature review 3. 3. Alternative Approach 6. 4. Theoretical Framework (Putnams Two-Level Game) 7. 4.1. Logic of Win-set 8. 4.2. Determinants of Win-set 9. 4.3 Win-sets in international negotiations 11. Chapter II. Initial Development of Comfort Women Issue 13. 1. Early Publicization 13. 2. From Sympathy to Empathy and the Korean Council 15. 3. Initial Response from Japan 17. 4. Summary 20. Chapter III. Diverging Perception on Comfort Women Issue 21. 1. Asian Womens Fund: divison between Korea and Japan 21. 2. Weakening of Leftist coalition in Japan 25. 3. Summary 26. Chapter IV. Right-wing resurgence in Japan 27. 1. Right-wing resurgence in Japan 27. 1.1 Textbook controversy as a trigger for right-wing mobilization 27. 1.2 Changing East-Asian Dynamics 29. 1.3 Rise of Abe and LDP: consolidation of right-wing mobilization 30. 2. Role of Media 33. 2.1 declining legitimacy of left-wing media 33. 2.2 increased legitimacy of right-wing media 34. 2.3 diversification of media outlet and its impact 35. 3. Summary 36. Chapter V. Strenghtening of Nationalistic discourse in Korea 37. 1. Over-representation of the Korean Council 37. 2. The Korean Councils Strong Ethnic-Nationalism 38. 2.1. Intersectionality of feminism and nationalism 38. 2.2. Nationalism as a superior voice 41. 2.3 Crux of Korean Councils Nationalism 42. 3. The Korean Councils redressive acts 44. 3.1 Wednessday Demonstration and Statue Politics 45. 3.2 Spatiality of the redressive site 46. 3.3 Civilian Participation 47. 3.4. Accentuation of Nationalistic Memory 48. 3.5. Collective memory of the redressive acts 50. 3.6. Internationalization of redressive acts 51. 4. Korean Councils Monopoly of Justice and Logic of Exclusion 52. 4.1 Exclusion of different victims 53. 4.2 Exclusion of different literatures 55. 5. Role of Media 58. 6. Summary 59. Chapter VI. Comfort Women as a representation of history wars 62. 1. Internationalization of comfort women issue 62. 1.1 Phase I. Rights Revolution and Intervention from UN 62. 1.2 Phase II. The US House of Representative Resolution 121 64. 1.3 Phase III. Statue politics and history war 65. 2. Right-wing redressive acts 67. 2.1 International counter-redressive acts 67. 2.2 Diversification of redressive acts 68. 3. Summary 70. Chapter VI. Comfort Women Deals Two-Level Game 72. 1. Factor I. Distribution of Power, perferences, and possible coalition 72. 1.1 Internationalist/isolationist (Homogeniety VS Heterogeneity) 72. 1.2 Politicization of the issue 74. 2. Factor II. The Political Institutions. 75. 2.1 State Strength and State Autonomy 75. 2.2 Weak state power and Involuntary Defect 79. 3. Factor III. Negotiatiors Strategy 81. 4.. Summary 85. Chapter VII. Conclusion 87 Chapter VIII. Biliography 90 국문초록 98석

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