當代新儒家「儒學開出民主論」的理論意涵與現實意義

摘要1950年代，港臺新儒家曾提出「儒學開出民主論」。在他們與臺灣自由主義者的辯論之中，此說也成為雙方爭論的焦點之一。對筆者而言，此說的意涵並不複雜難解，但奇怪的是：它卻不斷引起誤解與質疑。多年來，筆者曾針對這些誤解撰寫了一系列的論文，故本文不再重述相關的細節，而是從宏觀的角度申論一些未盡之意。關鍵詞: 台灣新儒家, 儒學開出民主論, 自由主義, 政治思想, 良知的自我坎陷AbstractIn the 1950s, Contemporary Modern Confucians of Hong Kong and Taiwan have exposed the theory of the “Development of Democracy from Confucianism”. In their controversies with the Taiwanese liberals, this theory also became one of the main points of debate. The author of the present article believes that the contents of this theory are not too complicated to understand; however, it nevertheless often became subject of various misunderstandings and questionings. During the past years, the author has written several studies on this topic, aiming to clarify such misunderstandings and to responding to such questionings. Therefore, the present article does not restate the details of this theory, but rather aims to provide further explanations of its essential meaning. V petdesetih letih smo bili priča razpravi med sodobnimi konfucianci iz Hong Konga in Tajvana na eni in liberalno strujo tajvanskih izobražencev na drugi strani. Razprava se je osredotočila predvsem na vprašanje, ali je tradicionalna kitajska kultura in zlasti konfucijanska miselnost primerna za razvoj znanosti, tehnologije in demokratičnega političnega sistema zahodnega tipa. V tem kontekstu so moderni konfucijanci iz Hong Konga in Tajvana izpostavili teorijo o »razvoju demokracije iz konfucianizma«. Ker je avtor tega članka že v več preteklih študijah poskusil razjasniti različne nesporazume povezane s temi vprašanji, ta članek ne prinaša podrobnosti glede zgoraj omenjene teorije. Namesto tega raje nudi dodatno razlago o pomenu teorij. Čeprav moderni konfucijanci na eni strani priznavajo, da v tradicionalnem konfucijanstvu ti elementi sicer niso bili prisotni, vendar to še ne pomeni, da konfucijanska tradicija razvoj moderne države s temi atributi zavira, so bili liberalci prepričani o nasprotnem in so zato poudarjali, da mora Kitajska, če želi postati moderna, tehnološko razvita in demokratična država, odstraniti vse prežitke konfucijanske miselnosti. V tej polemiki se je izkazalo, da so moderni konfucijanci sicer priznavali razliko med politiko in moralo, vendar so sistem politične svobode na teoretski ravni pogojevali z moralno svobodo. Predstavniki liberalnega tabora so zanikali njihovo predpostavko, po kateri naj bi bila politična svoboda osnovana na moralni, kajti to bi po njihovem mnenju v najboljšem primeru privedlo do »totalitarne demokracije«. Skozi poglobljene analize te polemike avtor pride do zaključka, da demokracija in tradicionalni konfucianizem ne izključujeta drug drugega. Avtor izpostavlja dejstvo, da tajvanski konfucijanci niso nikoli zavračali demokratičnega razvoja na osnovi kulturno pogojenih razlik. V tem smislu so tajvanski moderni konfucijanci nemalo – četudi posredno – prispevali k procesu demokratizacije njihove države

政黨形象與台灣選民的投票行為：1996-2008年總統選舉的實證分析

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Land Reform in Fujian during the 1950s and Corporate Lands

This article is a preliminary attempt to explore the relationship between the land reform and corporate lands in newly liberated areas, especially those in Fujian. After the Land Reform Law was promulgated in June 1950, implementation of land reform was in full swing by December 1950 in Fujian and essentially completed by June 1952. Early implementation of land reform, which had originally been scheduled to commence in the autumn of 1951 at the earliest, was due to the emergency directive of Mao Zedong, who was alarmed by the Korean War and the possibility of a counterattack on the mainland China by Jiang Jieshi. Mao Zedong ordered the Fujian government to complete land reform as quickly as possible. In the face of this pressure, the Fujian government had no other choice but to hasten land reform at the expense of accuracy and thoroughness. The characteristics of land ownership in Fujian before land reform was as follows : the percentage of corporate lands was much higher than in other areas of East China ; it reached 40 to 50 per cent in some mountainous regions in Fujian. In contrast, the percentage of land owned by landlords and rich peasants was extremely low. The percentage of land owned by middle peasants was relatively high as in other areas of East China. Since the land owned by the middle peasants was to be untouched, it was impossible to allot reasonably sized parcels of land to the poor peasants and the hired hands in order to establish "peasant land ownership, " unless corporate lands as well as the land owned by the landlords were to be expropriated. Article 3 of the Land Reform Law stipulates that the corporate land such as that owned by ancestral shrines should be "collected" (zhengshou 徴收), not "expropriated" (moshou 沒收). The choice of the word "collect" indicates that close attention was paid to the difference between the corporate lands and the land owned by landlords. According to the regulations of the Measures for Implementation of Land Reform in East China, when collecting and re-allotting the land owned by clans, special attention should be paid to the sense of ownership held by clan members, and reservation and continuation of small parcels of land for ancestral worship were permitted if the clan's members so desired. In contrast, in Fujian, the corporate lands were considered to be the material basis of the exploitation of peasants by landlords. This outdated conception caused the issue of how to deal with the land for ancestral worship to go unaddressed. However, a survey of rural Fujian during the land reform era shows that there existed different perspectives on the land owned by clans, which consisted mostly of the corporate lands. While some thought the lands owned by landlords and the despotic gentry and had become tools of control and exploitation of the peasants, others understood them to be owned by clan members, poor and rich alike, and still others recognized them as shared exclusively by poor peasants. Given the unique situation in Fujian, it can be said that the issue of the reservation and continuation of small parcels of land for ancestral worship was one that undoubtedly had real consequences

第59期

[[abstract]]歐洲投資計畫中的一個關鍵目標是創造一個更能預期、穩定、明確的規範環境，以促進投資。資本市場聯盟(CMU)行動計畫及期中審查，強調穩定的商業環境對於鼓勵更多的歐盟內部投資至關重要。歐洲執委會於2018年7月19日發布了一份指南，為保障歐盟的跨邊界投資，完善幫助歐盟投資者在國家機關與法院前援引歐盟法規賦予他們的權利，並協助會員國保護其相關權益。 歐洲執委會主席Juncker於2018年7月26日訪問美國華府，並在戰略與國際研究中心(Centre for Strategic and International Studies, CSIS)進行一場演說，以『處於十字路口的大西洋兩岸關係』為題。本期摘錄Juncker此場演講的重要內容，讓讀者們進一步瞭解歐盟與美國雙邊的大西洋兩岸關係狀態。 2018年是歐盟化妝品動物實驗禁令全面實施五週年，這是化妝品監管的一個里程碑，同時也引起全球熱烈響應。世界各國紛紛效仿或計劃執行化妝品禁止動物實驗。歐洲議會同時也討論一項呼籲全球禁用動物實驗的決議，期望能訂定一項國際協議，順利於2023年年終止化妝品動物實驗的做法。[[booktype]]電子版[[countrycodes]]TW

THE COLOR PURPLE OF TAIWAN POLITICS

Tsao, Hung-ping (2020). The Color Purple of Taiwan Politics. In: "Evolutionary Progress in Science, Technology, Engineering, Arts, and Mathematics (STEAM)", Wang, Lawrence K. and Tsao, Hung-ping (editors). Volume 2, Number 10, October 2020; 285 pages. Lenox Institute Press, Newtonville, NY, 12128-0405, USA. No. STEAM-VOL2-NUM10-OCT2020; ISBN 978-0-9890870-3-2. ..........ABSTRACT: This collection of one thousand articles sidetracks the democratic progression in Taiwan for the period between 1996 and 2013. Most of the articles were published in The World Journal and each reflected spontaneously the complexity of the political, economical and cultural facades of Taiwan, Hong Kong and China. ...........KEYWORDS: Taiwan, Politics, Thousand articles, World Journal, Political, economical and cultural facades, Hong Kong, Chin

殘障學生科技輔具需求評估

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韓非政治思想發微

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科技監控下的影響評估－以中國網路警察為例

[[abstract]]網際網路的快速發展，已改變了民眾與政府的互動型態，本研究發現，網路的出現，並無帶來科技民主賦權論者所嚮往的網路民主，反而還成為了威權國家用來監視民眾的重要利器，使民眾壟罩在網路監視之下。而究竟在網路監視之下，民眾會產生何種的反制以及自我監督的效果，本研究以超級圓形監獄理論為主，並結合網路實測的方式，加以探討中國網路警察制度下的運作以及被監視者的回應。而本研究發現，在網路警察的監視之下，民眾雖有採取反制的活動，但仍不敵中國政府的統治與力量。而民間公司在監視的壓力之下，確實也會產生如超級圓形監獄理論中的自我監督效果，即便民間的自我審查機制不盡相同，但監視的範疇仍以「政治類」的言論控制最多，並多與官方所抱持的信念不謀而合，而民間針對關鍵字審查仍會依照「情節輕重」加以判定，但最終的決定權仍在中國的網路警察手中。在網路警察與民間自我監督的互動之下，形成了網路言論審查的「三道關卡」，無形中也加強了網路言論監督的力度，不只實現了「最小代價、最大監控」的目標，同時，也成為了威權國家監視社會的重要利器。[[notice]]補正完

第44期

[[abstract]]近期歐盟與美國，於2014年10月3日結束了TTIP第7回合的談判協商，11月21日歐盟理事會的決議，更讓雙邊TTIP談判有大幅進展。歐盟理事會在其對外貿易議題事務的會議中，決議儘速與美國達成TTIP協定之談判，本期專題摘要理事會重要決議內容。 歐盟近期公布了第405號的歐元區短期民調報告。目前歐盟的28個會員國當中，已有18個國家加入歐元區，以歐元作為其法定貨幣。拉脫維亞是最近一波加入歐元區的國家，於2014年1月正式採用歐元；立陶宛則將於2015年1月正式加入歐元區。第405號短期民調，除設定與前幾年版本類似議題外，同時亦評估歐元區納入新會員國的態度，執委會此次並針對拉脫維亞採行歐元後的適應情形，進行普查。 2014年11月15~16日於澳洲Brisbane舉行了第9屆G20峰會。本屆峰會的主要目標是為全球經濟成長、財政再平衡和新興經濟體、投資和基礎設施、就業和勞動市場流動等各項議題，提供相關策略目標