Fonología dialectal del yuyannese en tailandia

As Yunnanese people immigrated in Thailand many years ago, nobody knows their language and where they are. This research aims to study Yunnanese dialect phonology and distribution in Thailand. The phonology of Yunnanese dialect data have been analyzed by phonemic approach and tones have been analyzed by computer software program PRAAT. Yunnanese language areas are presented on the map. This research found that Yunnanese in Thailand has five subdialects: Yunnanese phonology from Muang Hai of Xishuagbanna Autonomous Region of Tai Ethnic Group, Yunnanese phonology from Kunming, Yunnanese phonology from Longling, Yunnanese phonology from Simao, and the cities in the northern part of Yunnan, which are classified into two groups. The consonants, vowels and tones are difference both their number and characteristic depending on their origin places. At the present time, Yunnanese people settle down in four provinces: Chiang Mai, Chiang Rai, Mae Hong Son and Bangkok in Thailand.A partir de la emigración de los hablantes de Yunnanese a Tailandia hace algunos años, nadie conoce su lengua y dónde se encuentra actualmente. Este artículo pretende estudiar la fonología del dialecto Yunnanese, a través de una aproximación fónica y tonal mediante el programa informático PRAAT. La investigación ha permitido delimitar en un mapa las áreas lingüísticas del Yunnanese en Tailandia y se han determinado cinco subdialectos desde un punto de vista fonológico: el Yunnanese de Muang Hai de la región autónoma de Xishuagbanna, perteneciente al grupo étnico Tai, el Yunnanese de Kunming, el Yunnanese de Longling, el Yunnanese de Simao, y las ciudades de la parte norte de Yunnan, que se han clasificado en dos grupos. Las consonantes, vocales difieren tanto en relación al número como a las características en función del origen de las localidades. Actualmente, los hablantes de Yunnanese se han establecido en cuatro provincias tailandesas: Chiang Mai, Chiang Rai, Mae Hong Son y Bangkok

Bering Island Aleut anata-x 'Japanese'

no abstrac

Doctor of Philosophy

dissertationKơho, a Mon-Khmer (Austroasiatic) language, is spoken by an indigenous population of more than 207,000 people located in Lâm Đồng province in the highland region of Vietnam. There are also several thousand additional members of this ethnic group who live in France and the United States (primarily North Carolina). The goal of this dissertation is to describe the Kơho-Sre language in such a manner that it is accessible both to linguists and also to those in the Kơho-speaking community interested in their own language. This grammar-based on a linguistic analysis that is informed by current linguistic theory and best practices in the field-includes phonological, morphological, and syntactic data. A grammatical description of Kơho is needed, in spite of the fact that a literature of the language does exist. This is because (1) adequate documentation is not achieved by the extant literature; (2) materials are dated and do not reflect recent advances in typology and linguistic analysis; (3) many materials are published in Russian and Vietnamese or are not readily available to most researchers; and (4) earlier descriptions are cast in frameworks that are not amenable to contemporary documentary linguistic analysis. This dissertation, based on data collected during fieldwork in Vietnam and North Carolina, supplemented with previously published syntactic and lexicographic materials, provides an overview of the grammatical structure of Sre. Sre is a polysyllabic (usually dissyllabic) language with a synchronic tendency towards reduction of the presyllable (the weaker or minor syllable) and development in the remaining (main or major) syllable of contrastive pitch characteristics associated with vowel length. Vowel length, in turn, is influenced by the main syllable coda. A formerly complex system of nominal classifiers (operating in the pattern: numeral + classifier + noun) has been reduced to three generally used classifiers. Sentence structure is subject + verb + object with a fairly rigid word order with some phrase or clause movement to indicate certain syntactic functions

Latvian place names and dialects: A relevant source for the exploration of the Vidzeme South Estonian language

Knowledge about the South Estonian language spoken in the parts of Livonia where Latvian prevailed is based on materials collected from the Leivus residing in Ilzene parish (Lv pagasts) of eastern Vidzeme. Very little language or none at all has been recorded from the South Estonian speakers who are known to have lived in the parishes bordering Ilzene. The article introduces and analyses the works of Latvian place name and dialect researchers focusing on Lejasciems and Kalnamuiža as well as Madona municipality (Lv novads) located in the southeastern corner of Vidzeme where South Estonians have historically lived. Kokkuvõte. Lembit Vaba: Läti kohanimed ja murded: asjakohane allikas Vidzeme lõunaeesti keele uurimiseks. Teadmised lätikeelsel Liivimaal kõneldud lõunaeesti keelest rajanevad ainestikul, mida on kogutud Vidzeme idaosas Ilzene valla külades elanud leivudelt. Ilzenega piirnevatest valdadest, kus teadaolevalt elas samuti lõunaeestlaste rühmi, on keeleainest talletatud napilt või üldse mitte. Artiklis tutvustatakse ja analüüsitakse neid Läti kohanime- ja murdeuurijate töid, mis on seotud Lejasciemsi, Kalnamuiža ja Vidzeme kagunurga Madona piirkonnaga, kus ajalooliselt on elanud lõunaeestlasi

Possible traces of Finnic influence in Latvian subdialect phonetics and morphology

This article discusses areas observed on geolinguistic maps showing Finnic or Finnic-like features in Latvian subdialects possibly resulting from Finnic influence. The Latvian dialect material analysed for this study shows that several such areas can be identified based on their phonetics and morphology: the Livonic dialect, the Selonic subdialects, certain Selonic subdialects on both banks of the Daugava River, certain subdialects in the former Leivu territory in northeastern Latvia near Alūksne and Gulbene, and a few subdialects in Zemgale near Bauska and Vecsaule where the Krevin Votians were settled. The shortening of word endings and generalisation of third-person verb forms is also quite regularly encountered in the subdialects spoken around Preiļi in Latgale. The least amount of language material is available about the Ludza Estonians or Lutsis who lived in eastern Latgale where their influence is seen in the tone system of the local subdialects. Kokkuvõte. Anna Stafecka: Läänemeresoome mõju võimalikud jäljed läti murrakute foneetikas ja morfoloogias. Artikkel käsitleb läänemeresoome ja läänemeresoomepäraste joonte maa-alalist levikut läti murretes. Läti murdeainestik, mida on selle uurimuse jaoks analüüsitud, näitab, et foneetilise ja morfoloogilise eripära põhjal on võimalik määratleda mitu sellist mõjuala: liivipärased murded, teatud seeli murrakud Daugava jõe mõlemal kaldal, teatud Kirde-Läti Alūksne ja Gulbene ümbruse murrakud ajaloolisel leivu alal ning mõned semgali murrakud Bauska ja Vecsaule lähistel, kus kunagi elasid kreevini vadjalased. Sõnalõppude lühenemist ja kolmanda isiku verbivormide üldistumist on üsna regulaarselt märgitud ka Latgales Preiļi ümbruse murrakutes. Vähem on selliseid andmeid Ida-Latgalest Ludza eestlaste ehk lutside kunagistelt asualadelt. Siiski on seal lutsi mõju nähtav kohalike murrakute toonisüsteemis

«Наддністрянський діалект». Чи існують інші варіанти його найменування?

У статті на підставі діахронічних мовознавчих досліджень робиться спроба повернути первісну назву одному із старожитніх говорів південно-західного наріччя – наддністрянському. Наддністрянський діалект лежить в основі західноукраїнського варіанта української літературної мови

A Study of Dialectology on Javanese "Ngoko" in Banyuwangi, Surabaya, Magetan, and Solo

Dialectology study on Javanese language in Banyuwangi, Surabaya, Magetan and Solo is significant as it reveals the lexical and phonological differences of Javanese “ngoko” in the four areasresearched. The areas were chosen due to the following reason; Banyuwangi is located in the eastern tip of Java Island and directly borders the islands of Bali and Madura, Surabaya is the capital of East Java province as well as a metropolitan city, Magetan is located in the western tip of East Java Province which is directly adjacent to Central Java Province, and Solo is the center of Javanese culture in Central Java. The focus of this research is to calculate the number of lexical and phonological differences of Javanese “ngoko” in Banyuwangi, Surabaya, Magetan and Solo. This research uses quantitative researchwith (the or a) descriptive method. The data of the research is Javanese “ngoko”.The instrument is Nothofer questionnaires modified by Kisyani by developing Swadesh's list into 829 words/phrases. The results of the research reveal(1) the largest number of Javanese “ngoko” lexical is found in Solo while theleast were found in Surabaya. The lexical differences of Javanese “ngoko” in Banyuwangi, Surabaya, Magetan, and Solo resulted in one utterance, two dialects and four subdialects, (2)19 patterns of phonological differences in Javanese “ngoko” were found. Finally, the phonological differences of Javanese “ngoko” in Banyuwangi, Surabaya, Magetan, and Solo resulted in four utterances

VOWEL PECULIARITIES ASSOCIATED WITH CULTUROHISTORICAL BOUNDARIES IN THE RUDZĀTI SUBDIALECT

This article expands upon the findings of the paper presented at the 8th International Conference of Latgalistics. The study is based more generally upon the author’s study that forms the basis of the Master’s thesis “The culturohistorical circumstances of the development of the Rudzāti subdialect”.The Rudzāti subdialect is spoken in contemporary Līvāni municipality in the parish of Rudzāti, and also in section Z of Rožupe parish. The neighboring subdialect ZR is Atašiene, ZA – Stirniene, A – Preiļi, D – Vārkava, bet R – Līvāni.Since geographic, economic or political circumstances have differentiated groups of people (In Latvia, the largest factor is in the development of dialects has been the allocation of territory to different manor estates, Rudzīte 2005: 15), the aim of the research is to clarify which culturohistorical boundaries crossed the territory of the Rudzāti dialect until it became a single parish in 1925, which neighboring dialects influenced its development, and whether this is reflected in contemporary phonetic material, especially in the dialect’s vowel sounds.Interviews conducted for the 2010–2012 ESF project “Their nest, their land – Latvian rural population development strategy and cultural change” were used in the research (ESF 2010–2012). Three Rudzāti speakers from the ZA subdialect area were also interviewed (Speaker interviews, 2015).The most important factor in the analysis of the characteristics of the Rudzāti437 dialect was the gathering of the most accurate sociolinguistic information possible about the speakers. It was especially important to discern the places of birth and current residence of the speakers, in order to detect peculiarities in the “endpoints” of the Rudzāti437­ dialect and isolate these. For this reason, it was also important to query the place of birth of speakers’ parents. Attention was also paid to each speaker’s religious confession and denomination. The Ošas river was used as a conditional boundary line during analysis of speaker material, because this was the boundary between the counties of Rēzekne and Daugavpils during the Russian Imperial period, and speakers of the dialect were grouped according to which side of the river their place of residence was located.In the study, correlations to the vowels and diphthongs of standard Latvian were analyzed in the Rudzāti dialect in addition to vowel deletions, reductions and insertions in the final syllables. Special attention was paid to instances in which vowel and diphthong shifts indicated the possibility of intersections with isoglosses. Such differences were found in shifts of the standard Latvian vowels e, ā, ē, ū and the diphthong ei

Linguistic variation within the Northwestern Gheg Albanian dialect

In previous literature and linguistics analysis, the Northwestern Gheg Albanian dialect is classified as one zone that encompasses the area of northwestern Albania and southwestern Montenegro (B. Demiraj 1997: 40, Gjinari 1989: 54-8, Mëniku 2008: vii., Shkurtaj 2016: 26). The area is assumed to form a single subdialect; however, evidence from various levels of linguistic analysis discussed in this paper challenges this assumption. The area of Malsia Madhe in northwestern Albania and southwestern Montenegro exhibits different phonological, syntactic, and lexical patterns than the area of Shkodër. The southernmost point of this Gheg subdialect is Lezhë, which also has its own set of distinct idiosyncratic differences. This analysis provides an overview of the main differences between the areas of Malsia Madhe, Shkodër, and Lezhë, all typically grouped in the northwestern Gheg subdialect. This includes an evaluation of phonological, grammatical, semantic, and lexical differences between the three main areas of northwestern Gheg. Finally, it also offers a diachronic view of how this subdialect contributes to and challenges the history of the Albanian language’s development from Proto-Albanian and Proto-Indo-European