Puitmõisad Lõuna-Eestis 18.-20. sajandini

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Maarevisjonid Eesti- ja Liivimaal Rootsi võimuperioodi alguses

Land revisions in Estland and Livland at the beginning of the Swedish reign The article focuses on the ways land revisions were carried out in the provinces of Estland and Livland at the beginning of the Swedish reign and the purposes they served. Land revision data from the Swedish period has been used in numerous studies on Estonian and Latvian settlement and agrarian history. The current picture we have of the structure and changes of the population and settlements, enfeoff ments, imposts on peasantry, and agricultural conditions in various regions originates mainly from these sources. The materials on the revisions are kept in the Chamber Archives of the National Archives of Sweden, Historical Archives of the National Archives of Estonia, and the State Archives of Latvia. The revisions done within the territory of Estonia have been published which has notably expanded the scope of their use. The article pays special attention to the process of carrying out the revisions, temporal framework, methods, people who performed the tasks, but also to the general goals of Swedish economic rule in the Baltic provinces. There were several setbacks in conquering the area for the Swedish crown. Every time a part of the land became a Swedish possession, a swift assessment of the landed property was carried out. The Swedish crown organized several big revisions at the beginning of its rule in these provinces, namely in Estland from 1586–90 and in Estland and Livland from 1600–01, and additionally in Livland from 1624–27 and in 1638. Apart from these major revisions, there were several other limited revisions that were not completed or the results of which have only partially been preserved (from 1617–19 and in 1630). Revisions took place on the king’s command and according to specific instructions. Land revisions were primarily organized to plan, examine, and specify the state’s revenues. The tasks of the revision commission were generally rather broad, and one of the most important obligations during the first revisions was to check the landowners’ right of possession. It is especially evident during the revision in Estland from 1586–90. It was typical for Swedish revisions in Estland and Livland to be were carried out by commissions created for that purpose. On rare occasions, the revision was managed by the landlord visiting either Estland or Livland, as was the case with Duke Karl in 1601. The custom of delegating the organization of the revision to numerous sub-commissions was practiced in Livland in 1638. Members of the commission were typically appointed from the ranks of the high nobility of Sweden, Estland, and Livland. Mixed commissions of Swedes and Germans were common, but the local German members were naturally special trustees to the Swedish government. In 1638, the commissions consisted again mostly of local German officials, primarily lawyers. The real executer of the work was, however, a lower-level official (a secretary or scribe) appointed by the commission. It is clear that the knowledge of those officials about local conditions varied greatly, but the use of previous economic documentation and helpers, and the questioning of taskmasters and peasants improved the level of outcome. Intervals between revisions in Estland and Livland were very long, and every revision collected different information in comparison with the previous one. The state revenues from agriculture in the Baltics were often limited due to enfeoff ment, because only during the time of political turmoil and war and in their immediate aftermath were most of the farmsteads taxed by the state. The state representatives did not keep an account on the tax revenues of the enfeoffed territories. It sufficed when the officials checked from time to time whether the landed property did indeed belong to the nobles who claimed the relevant right. The revisions in Estland and Livland can be viewed in parallel. The major revisions in Estland took place from 1586–90 and again in 1601, and in Livland from 1624–27 and in 1638. The interval between the revisions was 11–12 years, so that the first revision was carried out during a longer period, while the later one only in the course of a single year. The first revisions were organized in the shadow of war, and the latter ones already during the time when Swedish reign was solidifi ed. The earlier revisions surveyed the territory that had only just been conquered by Sweden and the opportunities for enfeoff ment were still great. The latter revisions reflect the situation when the enfeoff ment had been almost accomplished. It is remarkable that aft er 1638 there were no revisions in Estland or Livland before the big cadastre of 1688–1690. The reason was that nearly all landed property had been enfeoff ed and the system of manors had become stable. KEYWORDS: Estonian history, province of Estland, province of Livland, history of Sweden, early modern period, agrarian history, payments, land revisions, manors, peasants. ÜLLE TARKIAINEN (b. 1957) is a Senior Researcher at the Institute of History and Archaeology, University of Tartu.130 Correspondence: Institute of History and Archaeology, University of Tartu, Ülikooli18, 50090 Tartu, Estonia. E-mail: [email protected]

Estonian Manor Interiors in Late 19th and Early 20th Century

Balti mõisakultuuri ja -arhitektuuri mõistmiseks tuleb vaadata kaugemale 19. sajandist. Maavilla on pelgupaiga sümbolina arhitektuuris aegajalt esile kerkinud juba üle kahe tuhande aasta. Villakultuuri uuestiavastamine läbi Andrea Palladio loomingu tõi maavilla uuesti huvikeskmesse Inglismaal ning siinse aadelkonna sarnane positsioon muutis pinnase sobivaks selle juurdumisele Balti mõisades. Villa rustica pakkus oma härrasmehest omanikule kultuurilist oaasi maalilises, ent rustikaalses maakohas, millega sidus omanikku eelkõige maavaldustest saadav sissetulek. Palladio mõjud siinses mõisaarhitektuuris on selged, interjöörid lubasid aga ajaloost tulenevalt rohkem interpreteerimisvõimalust ning seetõttu erinesid hoone välimus ja sisemus tihti märkimisväärselt. Kuna mõis pidi pakkuma mõnes mõttes omanikule seda, millest ta linnast eemal elades ilma jäi, tingis see isegi muidu palladionistlike hoonete interjöörides rikkalikku dekoreerimist.Väikeesemete kultus on tõeliselt silmatorkav – inimesed olid interjöörides ümbritsetud paljudest asjadest. Osaliselt oli tegu kuriositeetidega, vihjetega teistele kultuuridele, kuid eelkõige võiks seda pidada kogumiskireks. Pealesunnitud olukord, kus baltisaksa aadelkond lukustus üha enam mõisasüdamesse, tundub nii mööbli kui väikeesemete osas olevat kaasa toonud soovi end asjadega ümbritseda, luua enda ümber võimalikult kodune keskkond, kus iga ese kannab tähendusi. Nii mõisainterjööride fotod üksikutena kui ka terviklikult analüüsitud mõisad loovad meie ees sarnase pildi, kus varasema perioodi sisekujundusele on aja jooksul lisandunud erinevaid tasandeid. Interjöör ei ole kuigi palju kohandunud arhitektuuri järgi, vaid arenenud omasoodu. Suletud perekeskne eluviis on loonud ruumid, kus pääseb mõjule omanike personaalne ajalugu - küsimus ei olnud enam stiilipuhtuses. Erinevatest aegadest pärit mööbel sulandub koos valgustuse, tekstiilide ja väikeesemetega üheks mugavaks tervikuks, mis ümbritseb elanikke turvatunnet tekitava kultuurikihistuste oaasina keset hirmutavalt iseseisvuvat maapiirkonda.In order to understand the Baltic-German manor culture and architecture one must look further back from the 19th century. As an architectural symbol for a refuge, the country villa has been discovered again and again for over 2000 years. A rediscovery of the villa by Andrea Palladio led it to another rise in England and since the position of the gentry here was similar, it also created the perfect opportunity for it to root in Baltic manors. Villa rustica offered its gentleman owner a cultural oasis in the picturesque, but rustic landscape which gave him his income and thus tied him to it. Palladio’s architectural influences in Baltic manor architecture are clear. The interiors however, due to historic reasons, allowed a much more free interpretation and differed sometimes greatly from the exterior. Since the aim of the villa was to offer its owner what he missed being away from the city, many interiors of otherwise Palladian villas are very rich in decor

Liivimaa Üldkasulik ja Ökonoomiline Sotsieteet kui innovaatiline ühistegevusorganisatsioon

The Livonian Society as an Innovative CooperativeOrganisationThe Livonian Public Welfare and Economic Society evolved into a hotbed of innovative cooperative relationships between the cultural and political powers developing the territories of what are now Estonia and Latvia. Its joint action campaigns connected enlightened estate owners, top scientists, representatives of power, later also members of other classes.The Society became a bridgehead in integrating science, economy, education, and culture in the 19th century. Projects beneficial to public welfare in the economic sectors of Livonian agriculture, trade, industry, traffic, insurance, finance, and the cooperative networks of societies promoting them arose from the manors’ need to develop. The Fund of the Society became the grounds for the scientific and economic cooperation in Livonia. The Riga merchant P. H. Blanckenhagen who had personal connections with Tallinn donated a remarkable fortune – 40,000 Albertusthalers – for establishing the Society (this was later supplemented by interests, yearly payments and donations). Back then, that sum was the cash equivalent of more than 3,250 oxen. The election of 12 authorized persons from the ranks of the then elite for administrating the Society was equally important. It later enabled financing scientific and economic projects of personal initiative (triangulation of Livonia, compilation and publication of an atlas of Livonia, levelling of Saaremaa and Livonia, creation of a network of weather observation points,development of an agricultural research centre) the cost of which often exceeded the main capital of the Society several times over.Many cooperative scientific and economic projects that have lasted in time belong to the innovative heritage of the Society – including Struve Geodetic Arc, initiated during the triangulation of Livonia, the only research based item in the UNESCO World Heritage List from the Baltic states.On the 220th anniversary year of the Society and the International Year of Cooperatives of 2012, the historical heritage of the Society enabled one to raise the issue of the viability of such an innovative cooperative model in the 21st century market economic society full of crises.Developing forms of permanent cooperation that unite large entrepreneurs, top scientists, leaders of big local government units has again become painfully relevant. In Latvia and Estonia, the output might be a Livonian Forum rooted in the idea of the Society

Eesti- ja Liivimaa talurahva olukorrast Rootsi aja lõpus

The status of peasantry in Estland and Livland at the end of the Swedish reign Enn Küng: In May 2013, a seminar on the topic “Serfdom or freedom: changes in the status of peasantry in the end of the Swedish reign” was held at the University of Tartu. It was instigated by a debate in the Estonian historical discourse during the last two decades on the status of the post-reduction crown peasantry in Estland and Livland. The debate started in 1996 when Aleksander Loit gave a paper titled “On the abolishment of serfdom in Estonia during the Swedish reign”. There he presented a novel idea that King Charles XI of Sweden not only wanted to improve the situation of peasants in the Baltic provinces, but actually abolished serfdom in the manors nationalized during the reduction – in Livland in 1681 and in Estland in 1687. Several – but not all – historians agreed with Loit. In order to discuss this important issue more thoroughly a new debate was organized, the results of which are presented here. Aleksander Loit: By the beginning of the seventeenth century, the former crown property in Estland and Livland was almost entirely enfeoffed to the nobility. The situation was reversed with the reduction when all the enfeoffments by Swedish authorities were renationalized and the majority of the arable land was taken back by the crown. Apart from the fact that the state revenues from Estland and Livland multiplied, the reduction brought along changes in the existing social order, such as the liquidation of the feudal system and the abolishment of serfdom. Peasants of the crown manors became the subjects of the king and had to be treated similarly to other peasants in the Swedish realm. Political power and the position of the nobility weakened both in relation to the monarchical power and the subordinated peasants. In crown manors, the feudal system was replaced by the lease holding system, whereby the leaseholders were not permitted to join the local knighthoods. Kalle Kroon: Nationalization of the crown manors in Estland and Livland at the end of the seventeenth century was accompanied by the abolishment of serfdom of the crown peasantry. Although the owners of farmsteads had to stay put, their sons were given the freedom to choose a profession, either by joining the army or by acquiring education for the position of a schoolmaster. The end to the attachment to land for the new generation and the freedom to decide over their own labor testify to the absence of serfdom, which is characteristic of the process of the abolishment of serfdom in Early Modern Europe at the end of the seventeenth and the beginning of the eighteenth century. Aivar Põldvee: A more definite answer to the question of the abolishment of serfdom probably would be available if the Great Northern War had ended with Sweden’s victory. Now one can only talk about the preliminary goals and the processes which were not accomplished. I focus on two issues, which can be taken as a model. First, the treatment of complaints by the peasants of Swedish origin who lived in Estonia by both the relevant commission and the council of the realm in 1684–85. The Swedish state viewed the legal status of the Swedish peasants in Estonia as some sort of an example to be applied to other peasants in Estland and Livland. However, the top officials in Sweden did not have a clear understanding what their status actually was. Only after a lengthy dispute, the council reached a conclusion in 1685, according to which these peasants were as free as the nobility’s peasants (frälsebönder) in Sweden. In reality, the resolution did not protect the Swedish peasants in Estonia from the encroachment of their rights by manor leaseholders. Secondly, there is a resolution from 1687 which demanded that the sons of peasants not be hindered in pursuing education (bokliga konster) or joining the army. In connection with the establishment of the peasant schools, both pupils and peasant schoolmasters achieved freedom of movement. There were schoolmasters who started to work far from their homes, even in another province. There were cases, however, when the leaseholders of crown estates demanded the return of schoolmasters as their former serfs. On the whole, the freedom of movement of schoolmasters testifies to the mitigation of serfdom. Marten Seppel: What changed in the status of the peasantry in Estland and Livland at the end of the seventeenth century? The source material allows us to conclude that King Charles XI’s demands to improve the status of the crown peasantry in Livland and Estland brought about three major changes in their condition: the judicial authority of the leaseholders of the crown estates was considerably restricted, the peasants’ right to complain to the authorities was guaranteed, and the crown peasants were not to be sold. In other aspects, the status of the crown peasants changed little, although they could hope for protection from the provincial authorities against their leaseholders. The peasants’ property and trading rights remained in principle the same as in the private estates; they had no right to leave their manor by their own will; they could not own guns or other weapons; their obligations of customary dues and statute labor was fixed and not substantially changed. The authorities’ attitude toward the crown peasants can be characterized by the fact that similarly to serfs in private estates, they could be ‘transported’ from one crown manor to another whenever this was considered economically worthwhile

The Triple Pompejanum Possessed by the von Stryk Family: The Manor Houses of Vana-Võidu, Suure-Kõpu and Voltveti

The article is inspired by the fascinating findings and conservationwork done on the Pompeian style murals in Estonian manor housesduring the last few decades. The focus is on the murals in the manorhouses of Voltveti, Suure-Kõpu and Vana-Võidu – all of whichbelonged to different members of the von Stryk family of BalticGermans. The article focuses on the figurative paintings and the styleof the murals, as well as on an art-history-related interpretation anda wider contextual analysis of the Vana-Võidu wall paintings. Thesefinds are the most recent, and this article will study the possiblemodels and ideas for them, search for their art history context andimportance among the triple Pompejanum of the von Strycks. Thewall paintings in the Suure-Kõpu and Voltveti manor houses areused as reference material.The Vana-Võidu, Suure-Kõpu and Voltveti manor houses wererebuilt in the late neoclassical style between 1830s and 1840s. Thewall paintings in these late neoclassical manor houses were madeduring the second half of the 19th century and were inspired, in allcases, by a desire to achieve the look of an ancient interior. There arePompeian-style murals in all three manors. In Suure-Kõpu and Vana-Võidu, can see figurative paintings as well as the division of the wallsinto panels, which is characteristic of the Pompeian style. In Voltveti,there are no figurative paintings and the colour palette – alternatingwarm and cool pastel shades – is not characteristic of the Pompeianstyle, but the ornamental motives are derived from antiquity. It isknown that different publications about the excavated Campaniancities, were available in Estonia in the 19th century. Apparently, thevon Stryk brothers and the painter(s) were able to use the publishedmotifs, because the figurative paintings at Vana-Võidu and Suure-Kõpu are very accurately detailed