1,085 research outputs found

    Alʔilbīrī’s Book of the rational conclusions. Introduction, Critical Edition of the Arabic Text and Materials for the History of the Ḫawāṣṣic Genre in Early Andalus

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    [eng] The Book of the rational conclusions, written perhaps somewhen in the 10th c. by a physician from Ilbīrah (Andalus), is a multi-section medical pandect. The author brings together, from a diversity of sources, materials dealing with matters related to drug-handling, natural philosophy, therapeutics, medical applications of the specific properties of things, a regimen, and a dispensatory. This dissertation includes three different parts. First the transmission of the text, its contents, and its possible context are discussed. Then a critical edition of the Arabic text is offered. Last, but certainly not least, the subject of the specific properties is approached from several points of view. The analysis of Section III of the original book leads to an exploration of the early Andalusī assimilation of this epistemic tradition and to the establishment of a well-defined textual family in which our text must be inscribed. On the other hand, the concept itself of ‘specific property’ is often misconstrued and it is usually made synonymous to magic and superstition. Upon closer inspection, however, the alleged irrationality of the knowledge of these properties appears to be largely the result of anachronistic interpretation. As a complement of this particular research and as an illustration of the genre, a sample from an ongoing integral commentary on this section of the book is presented.[cat] El Llibre de les conclusions racionals d’un desconegut metge d’Ilbīrah (l’Àndalus) va ser compilat probablement durant la segona meitat del s. X. Es tracta d’un rudimentari però notablement complet kunnaix (un gènere epistèmic que és definit sovint com a ‘enciclopèdia mèdica’) en què l’autor aplega materials manllevats (sovint de manera literal i no-explícita) de diversos gèneres. El llibre obre amb una secció sobre apoteconomia (una mena de manual d’apotecaris) però se centra després en les diferents branques de la medicina. A continuació d’uns prolegòmens filosòfics l’autor copia, amb mínima adaptació lingüística, un tractat sencer de terapèutica, després un altre sobre les aplicacions mèdiques de les propietats específiques de les coses, una sèrie de fragments relacionats amb la dietètica (un règim en termes tradicionals) i, finalment, una col·lecció de receptes mèdiques. Cadascuna d’aquestes seccions mostren evidents lligams d’intertextualitat que apunten cap a una intensa activitat sintetitzadora de diverses tradicions aliades a la medicina a l’Àndalus califal. El text és, de fet, un magnífic objecte sobre el qual aplicar la metodologia de la crítica textual i de fonts. L’edició crítica del text incorpora la dimensió cronològica dins l’aparat, que esdevé així un element contextualitzador. Quant l’estudi de les fonts, si tot al llarg de la primera part d’aquesta tesi és només secundari, aquesta disciplina pren un protagonisme gairebé absolut en la tercera part, especialment en el capítol dedicat a l’anàlisi individual de cada passatge recollit en la secció sobre les propietats específiques de les coses

    Tediousness in Coryats Crudities (1611) : early modern travel writing, rhetoric, and notions of canonicity

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    Despite its increasing prominence in university syllabi and anthologies, travel writing continues to be excluded from the canon of early modern literature. Its exclusion can be attributed to the view, articulated explicitly and implicitly, that its formal and stylistic conventions render it insufficiently ‘literary’. Such assessments, however, reveal a tendency to read early modern travel accounts using aesthetic criteria that are anachronistic, disconnected from the discursive contexts in which these accounts were originally written and read. This article examines one of the genre’s most distinctive features, one which has shaped its relationship to notions of literary value and canonicity: its preoccupation with particulars, something early modern and modern readers alike characterise as ‘tedious’. Focussing on Thomas Coryate’s eponymous Coryats Crudities (1611), it situates the particularity of early modern travel writing within the reconstructed contexts of classical rhetoric, early modern poetics, and travel advice, placing especial emphasis on the rhetorical quality of enargeia, or vividness. In addition to offering a fresh assessment of the Crudities and modelling a new approach to the study of travel writing more generally, the article reflects on the ways in which we can expand our sense of what early modern literature might be said to comprise

    The lugubrious poetry of Margherita Costa in the 17th century Medici court.

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    In the 17th century, the lugubrious poetry constituted both a thematic and retorical renewal of the centuries-old Petrarchan tradition. Already at the end of the 16th century, lamenting the death of illustrious fgures became one of the fxed themes characteristic of Baroque poetic anthologies. Margherita Costa’s Selva di Cipressi is a clear example of this literary style. This poetic collection combines encomiastic poems composed for the death of illustrious personages of the time with other bucolic compositions. This contribution proposes an analysis not only of the lyrical style that Costa employs in her work, but also examines the socio-political and cultural context of the Medici Court that the Roman poetess wanted to show the 17th century audience.Nel corso del XVII secolo, la poesia lugubre costituì sia dal punto di vista tematico che retorico un vero rinnovamento della secolare tradizione petrarchesca. Già alla fne del XVI secolo, il lamento per la morte di personaggi illustri si considerò una delle tematiche fsse caratteristiche delle antologie poetiche barocche. La Selva di Cipressi di Margherita Costa è un chiaro esempio di questo stile letterario. Questa raccolta poetica mette insieme poemi encomiastici composti per la morte di personaggi illustri dell’epoca con altri componimenti di argomento bucolico. Il presente contributo propone un’analisi non solo dello stile lirico che Costa impiega nella sua opera, ma prende in esame anche il contesto socio-politico e culturale della Corte medicea che la poetessa romana voleva mostrare al pubblico del XVII secolo

    Saturnalia as political discourse in Martial, Pliny, and Dio Chrysostom

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    Concerns regarding political ‘enslavement’ and imperial constraints on free speech are especially palpable in the literature that follows the emperor Domitian’s assassination in 96 C.E. Under his successors, Nerva and Trajan, authors worked to differentiate the post-Domitianic age from the prior era of metaphorical enslavement and suppressed speech. Scholars have studied some of the ways in which Neronian and Flavian authors employed literary accounts of the Saturnalia, a festival characterized by temporary license and the notional transformation of social roles, to criticize individual rulers and thematize issues of imperial control. Yet they have not fully appreciated the pervasive use of literary Saturnalia in Flavian and post-Flavian political discourse. I examine the Saturnalia as a political metaphor in five texts: Martial’s Domitianic Epigrams 5 and Nervan Epigrams 11, Pliny’s Trajanic Epistles and Panegyricus, and Dio Chrysostom’s Trajanic fourth Oration. In Epigrams 5, Martial thematizes the circumscription of Saturnalian freedom to highlight limits to his poetic expression under Domitian. Later, in his Epigrams 11, Martial’s presentation of the Nervan regime as an age of ‘Saturnalia,’ a festival whose freedoms are inherently temporary, signifies anxiety about whether post-Domitianic freedom from imperial ‘enslavement’ will be short-lived. In the Panegyricus, Pliny praises Trajan for reasserting the social hierarchies that had become troublingly eroded under the dystopic ‘Saturnalia’ of Domitian. Through Pliny’s depiction of domestic Saturnalian celebrations in Epistles 2.17, the senator proves that the perverse ‘Saturnalia’ that plagued imperial life before Trajan are no more. Finally, in Orations 4, Dio Chrysostom uses circumscribed Saturnalian freedom not only as a metaphor for the limited political authority available to Greeks, but also to valorize his own Greek wisdom as essential to Trajan’s correction of shameful ‘Saturnalian’ rule. The authors in this study, although writing from different personal and generic perspectives, depict metaphorical Saturnalia to articulate the distressing limits of freedom under imperial rule or—in the case of Pliny and Dio—to burnish the image of the anti-Saturnalian ruler Trajan. My dissertation demonstrates that literary representations of the Saturnalia occupy a far more important role in imperial Greek and Roman understandings of autocracy than has been previously appreciated

    Mythological References in Ausonius’ Epistolary

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    Ausonius’ letters constitute a specimen of the way he employs references to Greek mythology. The process by which Ausonius reworks mythological material fol- lows patterns that were already well established in the Latin literary tradition of re-working Greek sources. The recycling of such material is not only proof of his technical prowess, but also demonstrates his ability to perform precise thematic choices. Frequently, the use of mythology is part of the metaliterary and metapoetic discourses tackled by Ausonius while addressing his friends as recipients of letters. The analysis of individual letters reveals how the poet used mythological references for two main purposes. The first is to elevate the tone and content of the discourse, employing a series of artificial comparisons with mythical characters and events. Brief mythological references used to formulate playful numerical periphrases are also worth noting here. The second aim is encomiastic, namely the celebration of his friends, the recipients of his letters, who are transferred from everyday reality to the higher level of the mythical dimension and the superhuman sphere

    From Praising the Remedy to Eulogising the Patient: Cristóbal de Castillejo’s Satire of Guaiac in Early Modern Spain

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    The article examines the contemporary satiric treatment of a new transatlantic drug, guaiac, in a sixteenth-century poem by the Castilian writer Cristóbal de Castillejo, entitled En alabança del palo de las Indias, estando en la cura dél (In Praise of the Wood of the Indies, being under its treatment). The article contributes to the body of scholarship on the history of medicine in general and the history of herbal medicine in particular. The investigation of the poem embraces historical contextualisation, early modern rhetoric and classical reception. The article demonstrates the two-way relationship between early modern satire and medicine, arguing that the special significance of satiric productions that engage with medical themes lies in the inventive combination of the literary reality and empirical reality

    A Latin Second Sophistic

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    This thesis examines the Noctes Atticae (NA) of Gellius alongside two other Latin authors writing in the Second Sophistic, Apuleius and Fronto. I explore the question of to what extent these authors can be seen to contribute to this broader Greek literary and cultural movement; I argue that these Roman authors are in fact part of what I call the Latin Second Sophistic, and that their works are better interpreted as a continuation of an ongoing Latin literary tradition which should be seen as distinct from the work of their Greek contemporaries. This Latin Second Sophistic is characterised by the following: drawing on a hybrid of Greek and Latin models and assimilating Greek ideas into Roman culture through translation; the channelling of and reflection on Roman Satire and Italic traditions; cultivating a proper Latinity with their engagement in the Latin literary tradition; the use of authorial voice to self-fashion unique Latin works that make Greek learning more accessible for their Roman viewership; and, finally, their approach to the satirisation of pseudo-intellectuals, a recurring theme which reflects their engagement with the disciplines of philosophy, rhetoric and grammar, and the boundaries between these disciplines. My thesis therefore offers a new interpretation of second-century Latin authors and their cultural, intellectual, and literary relationship with Greek authors of the Second Sophistic

    Is There an Acrostic in Balbilla, Epigr. 31 Bernand?

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    The article presents a critical discussion of the interpretation of one of Balbilla’s epigrams carved on the foot of Memnon’s colossus at Egyptian Thebes (Bernand no. 31) proposed by Marialuigia Di Marzio in her article published in QUCC 2019. According to this interpretation, it contained the acrostic ΕΦΗΩΚΑΕ, which Di Marzio resolves as ΕΦΗ Ω ΚΑΕ(ΣΑΡ), suggesting a direct apostrophe to the emperor Hadrian on the part of the statue. However, there are compelling reasons to reject this intriguing proposal.The article presents a critical discussion of the interpretation of one of Balbilla’s epigrams carved on the foot of Memnon’s colossus at Egyptian Thebes (Bernand no. 31) proposed by Marialuigia Di Marzio in her article published in QUCC 2019. According to this interpretation, it contained the acrostic ΕΦΗΩΚΑΕ, which Di Marzio resolves as ΕΦΗ Ω ΚΑΕ(ΣΑΡ), suggesting a direct apostrophe to the emperor Hadrian on the part of the statue. However, there are compelling reasons to reject this intriguing proposal

    Le ecfrasi encomiastiche nella storia dell’“Inamoramento de Orlando” di Boiardo

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    The essay focuses on the two dynastic ecphrases in Boiardo's poem (II XXV and XXVII), highlighting some aspects of the way in which they are structured, with the intention of better understanding their porpose, their possible chronological placement and their relationship to the compositional events of the poem. According to the interpretation proposed, the ecphrasis of Canto XXV aims not only at correcting the historical errors in the genealogy that concludes Canto XXI, but at the primary intent of glorifying the Este white eagle and its role as a historical ally of the Church, probably at a time of difficulty in relations with Pope Sixtus IV, which could coincide with the early 1480s, not necessarily with the outbreak of war with Venice. It is suggested that this ecphrasis was conceived together with that of Canto XXVII, which exalts the dynasty of the Aragonese, and in particular the figure of Alfonso, Duke of Calabria, identified since the formation of the League among Milan, Florence and Naples as a key figure in the preservation of the Estense State. Thus it is discussed the possibility that the first version of the Inamoramento included the so-called octave II XXVII 56bis, extolling Alfonso's military exploits, contrary to the opinion of prominent Boiardists, and in particular Antonia Tissoni Benvenuti and Cristina Montagnani, but according to Tiziano Zanato.Il contributo si concentra sulle due ecfrasi dinastiche nel poema di Boiardo (II XXV e XXVII), mettendo in rilievo alcuni aspetti del modo in cui sono costruite, con l’intento di comprendere meglio la loro funzione, la loro possibile collocazione cronologica e il loro rapporto con le vicende compositive del poema. Secondo la lettura proposta, l’ecfrasi del canto XXV non risponde solo alla necessità di correggere gli errori storici presenti nella genealogia che chiude il canto xxi, ma all’intento primario di glorificare l’aquila bianca estense e il suo ruolo di storico alleato della Chiesa, probabilmente in un momento di difficoltà nei rapporti con papa Sisto IV, che può essere fatto coincidere con i primi anni Ottanta, non necessariamente con lo scoppio della guerra con Venezia. Si propone l’ipotesi che questa ecfrasi sia stata concepita insieme a quella del canto XXVII che esalta la dinastia degli Aragonesi, e in particolare la figura di Alfonso duca di Calabria, individuato fin dalla formazione della Lega tra Milano, Firenze e Napoli come personaggio fondamentale per la salvaguardia dello Stato estense. Si discute così la possibilità che nella prima versione dell’Inamoramento fosse presente la cosiddetta ottava II XXVII 56bis, che esalta le imprese militari di Alfonso, di contro all’opinione di autorevoli boiardisti, e in particolare di Antonia Tissoni Benvenuti e Cristina Montagnani, e in accordo invece con Tiziano Zanato

    The Rime of Miho Monaldi, or the Fate of a Book

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    Među dubrovačkim i dalmatinskim pjesnicima 16. stoljeća koji su stihotvorili na talijanskom jeziku, Mihu Monaldiju dosad se pridalo vrlo malo pozornosti. Književna kritika o njegovim je Rimama sudila strogo, često zapostavljajući poetičke odrednice lirskoga pjesništva 16. stoljeća, a ta pjesnička zbirka nije nikad bila sustavno proučena, što pokazuje i bibliografska zbrka o Monaldijevim djelima u literaturi. Ovaj rad zamišljen je kao prvi korak u takvu proučavanju, a cilj mu je konačno rasvijetliti sudbinu te pjesničke zbirke počevši od njezina prelaska iz rukopisnog u tiskani oblik na samom kraju 16. stoljeća. Naglasak je u raspravi na inkvizitorskoj cenzuri kojoj su Monaldijeve pjesme prije tiskanja bile podvrgnute, dok se pomnom analizom svih sačuvanih primjeraka – njih trideset tri – pokazuje da su Rime, zajedno s ostatkom Monaldijeva opusa, doživjele samo jedno izdanje do 18. stoljeća, a ne dva, kako se u literaturi dosad redovno navodilo. Konačno, osvrt na problematično suvremeno izdanje Rima iz 2020. godine podsjeća na potrebu preispitivanja načina izdavanja starih hrvatskih pisaca te odnosa između filologije i književne kritike kakav jest i kakav bi mogao biti.Among the Dalmatian and Ragusan poets of the 16th century writing in Italian the least attention has been devoted to date to the poetic oeuvre of the Dubrovnik poet Miho Monaldi. The reason for this should be sought in the rather harsh judgement of Mihovil Kombol that tended to mould the views of later studies of Monaldi’s poetic collection titled Rime. Kombol underplayed the specific features of Renaissance literary culture in Dubrovnik, above all its multilingualism and the intellectual ties with Italy, as well as the poetic conventions of 16th-century lyric poetry. Unlike his philosophical works, Monaldi’s Rime were never systematically studied or compared with the Italian poetry contemporary to him. The lack of scholarly attention is also reflected in the bibliographical confusion about the number of editions of his work. This essay is conceived as a first step in the systematic consideration of Rime, and of the remainder of his oeuvre, first published posthumously in 1599 in Venice. Monaldi’s works were prepared for the press by his nephews Marin and Gabro Battitorre, who inherited his manuscripts. However, the Battitorre brothers did not come into possession of the papers immediately upon the death of their uncle. It was only after 1594, on the death of Monaldi’s aunt, Deša Turčinović, who bequeathed to the brothers her property and all that she had inherited, that they became the owners of Monaldi’s manuscripts. The brothers prepared Monaldi’s works – Irene, overo della bellezza (Irene, or on Beauty), Dialogo dell’havere (Dialogue on Property) and Compendio breve della metafisica (A Short Compendium of Metaphysics) – for the press in the spring of 1599, as witnessed by the dedicatory epistles in the printed edition. From these we learn that the relationship between Monaldi and Marin Battitorre was very close, and the publication of the work was a mark of the latter’s gratitude toward his late uncle. It is now impossible to ascertain how the uncle had intended his printed oeuvre to be arranged, although the intention to have it printed is discernible. Documents in the State Archives in Venice reveal something about the process of the printing of Monaldi’s works. They include the printing license, the certificate issued by the Reformers of the University of Padua and the approval of three readers who had reviewed the manuscripts of the works for the purposes of censorship. These approvals are invaluable for they tell of the changes made in the text of Rime and of the dialogue Irene by the chief inquisitor. We learn of this also from the printer’s address to the readers in the 1599 edition of Irene. While something can be learned from archival documents about the process of the printing and censorship of Monaldi’s works, the surviving copies pose much more complicated problems. Since all of Monaldi’s works were printed at the same time in Venice, one would expect them to have circulated together. Nevertheless, fewer than half of the known exemplars contain all the works, while in other volumes only two works are bound together, and some copies have just one work. The question arises as to the reason for this heterogeneity. Monaldi’s works were issued as three bibliographical units, each having its own title page, dedication, and signature series. Thematically, they can be divided into two units: philosophical works (dialogues) and poetic works (Rime). In the first unit, Irene and the two shorter dialogues are bound with a list of errata for Irene alone (at the end of the index of the two shorter dialogues), while Rime are an independent whole that is not connected with the dialogues. Similarly significant are the two versions of the title page that appear in the printed copies of Monaldi’s works. They differ only in the engraved coat of arms. On one title page is featured the coat of arms of Christina of Lorraine, and on the other the alleged Monaldi’s coat of arms. Battitorre was a merchant who was active in Venice and had business contacts with Florentine merchants, and it seems that the choice of coat of arms was closely connected to his personal aspirations in Italy. While it has been previously noted that in early 1608 Pietro Petracci dedicated an anthology of devotional verses Le Muse sacre to Battitorre, it has not been observed that the same work contains two Petracci poems for Battitorre or that in 1607 the printer Giovanni Battista Ciotti of Siena dedicated to Battitorre a translation into Italian of the work by the Spanish Jesuit Pedro Ribadeneira. Nor has it been observed that Battitorre was a more prolific poet than previously thought and that he wrote in Italian too, for in 1608 two of his encomiastic sonnets in Italian were included in the Dialoghi of Giovan Battista Clario, also published by Ciotti; one was for the addressee of the dedicatory epistle, and the other for the printer. Dialoghi gives us an insight into Battitorre’s publishing activity in the early 17th century, as the book also included a sonnet of Pietro Petracci addressed to Battitorre as well as the printer’s address to the readers, from which it can be gathered that the printing of the Dialoghi was in fact Battitorre’s initiative. Another Battitorre’s publishing enterprise, which introduced considerable confusion into literary history, tells us a little more about his aspirations in Italy. The published scholarship often claims that in 1604 Battitorre produced a second edition of Monaldi’s works. This supposed second edition had on the title page of Irene the engraved coat of arms of Ferdinand II Habsburg, with whom Battitorre was closely associated, as he was very active in Ferdinand’s circle of patronage in the first decade of the 17th century. What appeared to be the second edition of Monaldi’s works, furnished with a new title page and a new dedication again witnessing to Battitorre’s changing social ambitions, was, rather, a new issue of the edition of 1599. A detailed study of the surviving copies from 1599 and the surviving copies from 1604 (over thirty altogether) proves that the copies of the so-called 1604 edition are, in fact, nothing but copies of the 1599 edition in which the first gathering was replaced with a newly printed one, containing a different title page, featuring a new coat of arms, and a different dedication, while the address to the readers remained the same and was simply reset. The purpose of the new gathering was to conceal the fact that the rest of the book actually came from the 1599 printing, of which copies were obviously still available in 1604 and were in this way refurbished in order to reach a new kind of audience. Therefore, it can be concluded that before the Occhi edition of 1783, Monaldi’s works went through only one edition, that from 1599, which in 1604 was placed on the market again with a new title page and a changed dedicatory epistle. For the printing of Monaldi’s poems in Dubrovnik, Occhi used the copy of Jakov Basiljević preserved today in the Dubrovnik Research Library, as can be inferred from the traces of ink left by Occhi’s compositors. The final part of the essay considers the latest contribution to the study of Monaldi’s works – the Matica hrvatska edition of Rime from 2020, edited and tranlated by Tonko Maroević. While this was a turning point in the critical reception of Monaldi, the edition was in many ways problematic. Two sonnets are missing from the reprint, and the censored places that are left empty in the previous editions of Rime are here filled with replacements that use images of original typography without alerting the reader to such interventions. It is not known which copy the editor of the reprint used, but it was almost certainly the one kept in the Library of the Croatian Academy of Sciences and Arts. This copy contains, in the censored places, handwritten variants that supplement the text. These variants are introduced as printed words in the Matica edition, as if they had been there originally. The comparison of the typography of the words in the censored places with the remainder of the text, as well as the analysis of the metrical problems, proves that in the Matica edition the facsimile was graphically modified and corrected, and that in fact the original Monaldi text has been materially emended without any justification