Genealogie del costituzionalismo in Russia dal XVIII al XX secolo

Nelle sue riflessioni sulla rivoluzione russa del 1905, Max Weber ha forgiato il concetto di pseudo-costituzionalismo (Scheinkonstitutionalismus ), che è assurto a categoria ideal-tipica: lo zar Nicola II non aveva rinunciato al titolo di samoderžec (autocrate); il Manifesto imperiale del 17 ottobre 1905 era una «caricatura della potente idea di costituzionalismo». All’inizio del XX secolo, i giuristi russi di orientamento costituzional-democratico consideravano la falsa costituzione (lže-konstitucija) del 1905 come l’emblema dell’assenza di un’autentica coscienza giuridica: la Russia avrebbe dovuto emanciparsi sia dall’ autocrazia, sia dal nichilismo giuridico del narodničestvo rivoluzionario. Dalla complessa storia del costituzionalismo russo, con i suoi diversi orientamenti e con le sue tragiche cesure, è scaturita una intricata vicenda ermeneutica. Nell’ambito della storiografia russa si confrontano orientamenti ermeneutici: da una parte si colloca la linea interpretativa inaugurata, all’inizio del XX secolo, da Pavel Miljukov: il liberalismo e il costituzionalismo sono radicalmente antitetici all’ autocrazia e alla dittatura. D’altro canto, invece, Viktor Leontovič, distinguendo tra liberalismo e radicalismo rivoluzionario, ricostruisce il processo di formazione del costituzionalismo conservatore autoctono compatibile con l’autocrazia. Il costituzionalismo conservatore russo, non dissimile dalle esperienze costituzionali europee coeve, è scaturito dall’ assolutismo liberale del XVIII secolo e, prima del 1917, ha trovato la sua espressione più compiuta nell’opera riformatrice di Pëtr Stolypin, un liberale risoluto. Per comprendere le diverse genealogie del costituzionalismo è necessario fare un cammino à rebours, al fine di individuare i nodi cruciali della storia istituzionale e delle idee giuridiche e politiche in Russia: l’autocrazia legale del XVIII secolo, la biforcazione tra il liberalismo conservatore e il liberalismo insurrezionale nel XIX, le riforme di Alessandro II e la nascita del movimento degli zemstva; la rivoluzione del 1905 e l’istituzione della Duma; le due rivoluzioni del 1917 e lo spettro dell’Assemblea Costituente.In his reflections on the 1905 Russian Revolution , Max Weber forged the concept of pseudo-constitutionalism (Scheinkonstitutionalismus), which is embodied in an ideal- typical category: Tsar Nicola II had not renounced the title of samoderžec (autocrat); The Imperial Manifesto of October 17, 1905 was a "caricature of the powerful idea of constitutionalism." At the beginning of the 20 th century, the Russian jurists belonging to the constitutional-democratic orientation considered the false constitution of 1905 as the emblem of the absence of a genuine legal conscience: Russia should have emancipated itself, both from the autocracy and from the legal nihilism of revolutionary populism. From the complex history of Russian constitutionalism, with its different orientations and with its tragic cuts, a tangled hermeneutic event has arisen. Russian historiography compares hermeneutic orientations: on one hand, the interpreting line inaugurated at the beginning of the 20th century by Pavel Miljukov: Liberalism and constitutionalism are radically antithetical to autocracy and dictatorship. On the other hand, Viktor Leontovič, distinguishing between liberalism and revolutionary radicalism, reconstructs the process of forming an autochthonous conservative constitutionalism compatible with autocracy. Conservative Russian constitutionalism, not unlike the European constitutional experience, coincided with the liberal absolutism of the eighteenth century and before 1917 found its most complete expression in the reformative work by Pjetr Stolypin, a resolute liberal. In order to understand the various genealogies of constitutionalism, it is necessary to make a path backward in order to identify the crucial knots of institutional history and legal and political ideas in Russia: the legal autocracy of the eighteenth century, the bifurcation between conservative liberalism and Insurrectional liberalism in the nineteenth century, the reforms of Alexander II and the birth of the movement of the zemstva; The revolution of 1905 and the establishment of the Duma; The two revolutions of 1917 and the spectrum of the Constituent Assembly

La libertà fuori dalla Russia. I liberalismi russi tra guerra e rivoluzione e l’emigrazione dei costituzional-democratici a Parigi (1905-1921)

The research aimed to follow an interdisciplinary investigation on the idea of freedom in the Russian finis imperii and on the parabola of the Russian constitutional-democratic party (rossijskaja konstitucionno-demokratičeskaja partija- KD) from its formation (in 1905) to its split (in 1921) in the Russian-liberal emigration to Paris. The methodology combined the history of Russian-European diplomacy in the context of the First World War, the drafting of peace treaties and the formulation of the Paris Peace Conference (1919); the history of Russian political thought, in particular the concept of freedom and liberalism, as the object of a semantics that was both liberal-institutional and revolutionary (because, from 1905 and with February 1917 the idea of legitimate liberal revolution aspired to universality); Finally, the historical semiotics, understood as the analysis of the linguistic signs characterizing the liberal exponents through some key concepts, corresponding to different ideological moments (in 1905, in 1917, in 1921)

Universalità e singolarità storica della Rivoluzione d’ottobre: da Lenin a Gramsci ai nostri giorni

The Marxian announcement of the imminent revolutionary conquest of power by the subaltern classes of the whole world has not occurred; however, it is not possible to understand the history of the second part of the Nineteenth and the entire Twentieth centuries without referring to the dynamics identified for the first time by the Communist Manifesto. It will be Lenin who gives effect to Marxism, bringing socialist revolution to completion in a country that was still largely agricultural and settling class struggles in capitalist countries to the national liberation struggles of countries subjected to Western colonialism. If the consequences of the October revolution will affect the liberal West itself, massively favoring the development of the Welfare State, the start of the neoliberal counter-revolution, inaugurated by Thatcher and Reagan, will coincide largely with the crisis of the political system founded by Lenin . Likewise, the end of the Soviet Union will coincide with the start of a dangerous phase of re-colonization, in which the nuclear horror of the Cold War will be followed by the daily horror of the imperialist wars disguised as humanitarianism.Keywords: Marx; Engels; Lenin; Dialectics; World History