Contexts of political protest in Western democracies: Political organization and modernity

This paper provides a comparative analysis of two contextual determinants of protest participation in 17 Western democracies at the beginning of the 1990's. The two determinants are the individual's organizational context and the national context of political and socioeconomic conditions. The organizational context is defined as the close context of political protest arising due to social interaction, while the national context is defined as the wide context, constituting of extra-individual factors. The relationship between the close context and political protest is specified by theories of mobilization, whereas in the case of the wide context modernization theories are used. Individual-level analysis of the effects of the close context reveals that protest participation increases with an individual's embeddedness in political organizations. This holds true not only for memberships in new but also in traditional political organizations. However, the organizational context does not contribute equally to all forms of protest. Its impact is stronger on legal than on illegal forms of protest. Concerning the wide context of political protest, evidence is provided by aggregate-level analysis that variations in the extent of legal protest between countries can be explained by different levels of political and socioeconomic modernity of societies. The more modern a society, the higher the extent of legal protest participation and the less legal protesters articulate demands for radical change to the societal order. To the contrary, the extent of illegal protest participation cannot be explained by a modernization approach. The research on the close and wide context of political protest indicates that the enlargement of the action repertory of citizens to include legal protest, is part of the modernization of politics. -- Für 17 westliche Demokratien wird für Anfang der 90er Jahre im internationalen Vergleich der Einfluß von zwei Kontextfaktoren auf die Beteiligung an politischem Protest untersucht. Zum einen ist dies der organisatorische Kontext von Individuen, der als enger Kontext definiert wird, weil er auf sozialen Interaktionen basiert Zum anderen ist dies der nationale politische und sozioökonomische Kontext, der hier als weiter Kontext definiert wird, da er sich auf extraindividuelle Faktoren bezieht Der Zusammenhang zwischen engem Kontext und politischem Protest wird durch Mobilisierungstheorien spezifiziert, der Einfluß des weiten Kontextes mithilfe von Modernisierungstheorien. Die Individualdatenanalyse der Effekte des engen Kontextes zeigt, daß die Beteiligung an politischem Protest mit dem Ausmaß der individuellen Einbettung in politische Organisationen zunimmt Dieser Zusammenhang gilt nicht nur für die Mitgliedschaft in neuen, sondern auch in traditionellen politischen Organisationen. Der organisatorische Kontext trägt hingegen nicht in gleicher Weise zu legalen und illegalen Protestaktivitäten bei. Er fördert in stärkerem Maße die Beteiligung an legalen Protestformen. Die Aggregatdatenanalyse der Effekte des weiten Kontextes zeigt, daß Unterschiede im Ausmaß der individuellen Beteiligung an legalen Protestformen zwischen Ländern durch deren unterschiedliches politisches und sozioökonomisches Modernitätsniveau erklärt werden kann. Je moderner eine Gesellschaft ist, desto höher ist das Ausmaß legaler Protestbeteiligung und um so weniger werden Forderungen nach einer radikalen Veränderung der Gesellschaft von den Bürgern artikuliert, die legale Protestformen einsetzen. Im Gegensatz zu legalen Formen kann das Ausmaß der Beteiligung an illegalen Formen des Protests nicht mithilfe von Modernisierungsansätzen erklärt werden. Insgesamt weisen die Ergebnisse daraufhin, daß die Ausweitung des Aktionsrepertoires der Bürger um den legalen Protest Teil der Modernisierung des Politischen ist.

Political consequences of Germany's mixed-member system: Personalization at the grass-roots?

-- Dem deutschen Wahlsystem werden international einige Vorteile gegenüber anderen Wahlsystemen bescheinigt, die z.B. Neuseeland sogar zur Nachahmung angeregt haben. Als gemischtes Wahlsystem kombiniert es das Prinzip proportionaler Repräsentation mit einer Mehrheitskomponente. Wegen dieser Kombination wird ihm zum einen nachgesagt, Garant für ein stabiles Parteiensystem zu sein, und zum anderen, demokratietheoretisch proportionale Repräsentation und Mehrheitsentscheidung ideal zu kombinieren. Dieser Beitrag untersucht die Effekte des Wahlsystems auf die Größe des Parteiensystems und die Frage, inwieweit Wähler von den Möglichkeiten der beiden Komponenten des Wahlsystems, der Listen- und Direktwahl, also substantiell von der Partei- und Persönlichkeitswahl tatsächlich Gebrauch machen. Letzteres wird häufiger bestritten und behauptet, auch die Direktwahl der Abgeordneten im Wahlkreis folge lediglich parteienbezogenen Überlegungen. Die empirischen Ergebnisse zeigen anhand der Wahlrechtsänderungen in der Bundesrepublik, dass das Wahlsystem tatsächlich einen beträchtlichen Anteil an der Größe des Parteiensystems und damit der Stabilität des Parteiensystems hat. Sie zeigen zum anderen, dass die Möglichkeit der Listen- und Personenwahl zum einen mittels Stimensplitting strategisch zum Koalitionswählen genutzt wird, zum anderen der Wahlerfolg der Kandidaten im Wahlkreis aber durchaus davon anhängt, wie stark sie sich in der Sicht der Bürger für den Wahlkreis einsetzen und wie gut ihre politische Arbeit beurteilt wird. Es existiert also die Persönlichkeitswahl at the Grass-Roots.

Money, sex and broken promises : politicians' bad behaviour reduces trust

This paper develops and tests empirically a theory of the effect on political trust of forms of behaviour that violate social, political and legal norms about how politicians ought to behave. These include taking money for favours, over-indulging in private life and making misleading promises to win votes. The evidence comes from a specially designed survey in Britain, France and Spain, countries where popular distrust of politicians appears greater than illegal political behaviour. Bad behaviours, especially abandoning election promises once in office, have a much stronger effect on distrust of political parties that do differences in partisanship. Comparing national regressions shows that the impact of bad behaviours is very similar in Britain, France and Spain

Roll, Roll, Roll your Root:A Comprehensive Analysis of the First Ever DNSSEC Root KSK Rollover

The DNS Security Extensions (DNSSEC) add authenticity and integrity to the naming system of the Internet. Resolvers that validate information in the DNS need to know the cryptographic public key used to sign the root zone of the DNS. Eight years after its introduction and one year after the originally scheduled date, this key was replaced by ICANN for the first time in October 2018. ICANN considered this event, called a rollover, "an overwhelming success" and during the rollover they detected "no significant outages". In this paper, we independently follow the process of the rollover starting from the events that led to its postponement in 2017 until the removal of the old key in 2019. We collected data from multiple vantage points in the DNS ecosystem for the entire duration of the rollover process. Using this data, we study key events of the rollover. These events include telemetry signals that led to the rollover being postponed, a near real-time view of the actual rollover in resolvers and a significant increase in queries to the root of the DNS once the old key was revoked. Our analysis contributes significantly to identifying the causes of challenges observed during the rollover. We show that while from an end-user perspective, the roll indeed passed without major problems, there are many opportunities for improvement and important lessons to be learned from events that occurred over the entire duration of the rollover. Based on these lessons, we propose improvements to the process for future rollovers

Who's Cueing Whom? Mass-elite linkages and the future of European integration

The 2005 French and Dutch referendum campaigns were characterized by an alleged disconnect between pro-European political elites and Eurosceptic masses. Past evidence regarding elite-mass linkages in the context of European integration has been conflicting. Whereas some scholars argue that political elites respond to the changing preferences of their electorates, others suggest that party elites cue the mass public through a process of information and persuasion. We contend that these conflicting results stem from the reciprocal nature of elite-mass linkages and estimate a series of dynamic simultaneous equations models to account for this reverse causation. Using Euro-barometer and expert survey data from 1984-2002, we find evidence of a dual-process model, whereby party elites both respond to and shape the views of their supporters. We also find that the strength of these results is contingent on several factors, including the type of electoral system, intra-party dissent and voter characteristics. Copyright © 2007 Sage Publications

Evaluar la alternativa de disposición del papel higiénico al sistema de drenaje hidrosanitario

Trabajo de Investigación TecnológicaEl proyecto consistió en evaluar una alternativa experimental con el papel higiénico cuando es depositado en la red de drenaje hidrosanitario, para esto se diseñó un prototipo de aparato sanitario que simulara el proceso de descarga de un sanitario, con el fin de evaluar si luego de la descarga con el papel higiénico se afectan las funciones hidráulicas del sistema.RESUMEN INTRODUCCIÓN 1. GENERALIDADES DEL PROYECTO 2. MARCO DE REFERENCIA 3. METODOLOGÍA 4. DISEÑO METODOLÓGICO 5. RESULTADOS 6. CONCLUSIONES 7. RECOMENDACIONES BIBLIOGRAFÍA ANEXOSPregradoIngeniero Civi

The more concentrated, the better represented? The geographical concentration of immigrants and their descriptive representation in the German mixed-member system

<p>Supplemental material, IPS796263_supplemental_data for The more concentrated, the better represented? The geographical concentration of immigrants and their descriptive representation in the German mixed-member system by Lucas Geese and Diana Schacht in International Political Science Review</p

Jet energy measurement with the ATLAS detector in proton-proton collisions at root s=7 TeV

The jet energy scale and its systematic uncertainty are determined for jets measured with the ATLAS detector at the LHC in proton-proton collision data at a centre-of-mass energy of √s = 7TeV corresponding to an integrated luminosity of 38 pb-1. Jets are reconstructed with the anti-kt algorithm with distance parameters R=0. 4 or R=0. 6. Jet energy and angle corrections are determined from Monte Carlo simulations to calibrate jets with transverse momenta pT≥20 GeV and pseudorapidities {pipe}η{pipe}<4. 5. The jet energy systematic uncertainty is estimated using the single isolated hadron response measured in situ and in test-beams, exploiting the transverse momentum balance between central and forward jets in events with dijet topologies and studying systematic variations in Monte Carlo simulations. The jet energy uncertainty is less than 2. 5 % in the central calorimeter region ({pipe}η{pipe}<0. 8) for jets with 60≤pT<800 GeV, and is maximally 14 % for pT<30 GeV in the most forward region 3. 2≤{pipe}η{pipe}<4. 5. The jet energy is validated for jet transverse momenta up to 1 TeV to the level of a few percent using several in situ techniques by comparing a well-known reference such as the recoiling photon pT, the sum of the transverse momenta of tracks associated to the jet, or a system of low-pT jets recoiling against a high-pT jet. More sophisticated jet calibration schemes are presented based on calorimeter cell energy density weighting or hadronic properties of jets, aiming for an improved jet energy resolution and a reduced flavour dependence of the jet response. The systematic uncertainty of the jet energy determined from a combination of in situ techniques is consistent with the one derived from single hadron response measurements over a wide kinematic range. The nominal corrections and uncertainties are derived for isolated jets in an inclusive sample of high-pT jets. Special cases such as event topologies with close-by jets, or selections of samples with an enhanced content of jets originating from light quarks, heavy quarks or gluons are also discussed and the corresponding uncertainties are determined. © 2013 CERN for the benefit of the ATLAS collaboration