Magna Charta and Parliament 1900-1914

In 1915 plans for the celebration of the 700th anniversary of Magna Carta had to be dropped following the outbreak of the First World War. Such celebrations marked a sense of Magna Carta as an event in the history of these islands. The usage of the term Magna Carta in Parliament in the run-up to the First World War, however, shows that its granting was not seen only as a significant historical event to be memorialised. During the period from 1900, opening with war in South Africa and ending in 1914 with war throughout Europe, the Great Charter was mentioned 85 times in Parliament. As a period marked by a lengthy constitutional crisis in 1909-11 and beset with problems in Ireland and the Empire, this seems like a good case study period to choose. This short paper attempts to analyse how and why it was invoked in Parliament in the years and what these various usages tell us about how Magna Carta was understood at the time

Changing Attitudes to the Past: Lieux de Memoire and Contested Histories

What societies choose to remember about the Past can pose challenges for professional gatekeepers in museums, archives and statutory bodies charged with managing national heritage. Recent examples examined here include the inauguration of the National Museum of African American History and Culture in Washington, the 2016 Capability Brown Festival, changing attitudes towards poppies and the Rhodes Must Fall movement. These are explored through establishing a taxonomy of the eight functions lieux de mémoire fulfil in the course of reflecting the Past to the Present. Drawing attention to the way in which the imperialism of the Past is buried beneath the pristine lawns of Capability Brown’s gardens in the Present, this article concludes by warning that lieux de mémoire can provide an aesthetic veneer, glossing over aspects of the Past that societies, or elites within those societies for their own purposes, would rather forget

Modifying “a very dangerous message": Britain, the non-aligned and the UN during the Cuban missile crisis

This chapter analyses the unfolding of the Cuban missile crisis in the context of the 17th General Assembly of the UN and shows that, contrary to earlier accounts, U Thant was responding to pressures from the non-aligned and the British in his attempts to handle the crisis

Winston Churchill and the General Strike

Exploring the myths and legends which surround Churchill's role in the 1926 General Strike this places his involvement in the events of that year within the context of his views of sympathy strikes from before the Great War. The continuing importance of these views is shown to explain the marked contrasts between Churchill's approach to the General Strike in May 1926 and his efforts to find a way to resolve the coal dispute which dragged on throughout the year

Prime Minister and President: Harold Macmillan’s accounts of the Cuban missile crisis

This chapter analyses the successive ways in which Macmillan re-wrote his experiences of the Cuban missile crisis and in the process sought to re-configure the memory of the event in Britain

Philip de Zulueta

This chapter examines the contribution to foreign policymaking under Harold Macmillan and Sir Alec Douglas-Home of their foreign policy private secretary, Philip de Zulueta in the context of de Zulueta''s wider career

Churchill as Chancellor of the Exchequer (1924–9) and the return to the gold standard

The general election of 29 October 1924 saw Winston Churchill return to Parliament as Constitutionalist MP for Epping after two years in the political wilderness. It also saw Stanley Baldwin swept back to Number 10 on a Conservative landslide. Speculation about whether Baldwin would cement Churchill’s drift from the Liberal fold by offering him office surfaced during the election campaign. Churchill nevertheless thought ‘it very unlikely that I shall be invited to join the Government, as owing to the size of the majority it will probably be composed only of impeccable Conservatives’. [ 1 ] Because of his anti-socialist credentials, his ability to reassure wavering Liberals through his opposition to protectionism – dropped by Baldwin after its rejection in the 1923 general election – and concern he could prove a rallying point for backbench malcontents, there was however much to commend giving Churchill a post. To his surprise, Baldwin offered Churchill the long-coveted office of Chancellor of the Exchequer, briefly held by his father before his ill-conceived resignation in 1887. Having arranged a meeting with his Labour predecessor, Philip Snowden, about outstanding business the new Chancellor set to work. Marking his political transition, a few days later Churchill resigned from the National Liberal Club

The Plural Society: Labour and the Commonwealth Idea 1900-1964

The Labour Party founded in 1900 necessarily confronted the imperial nature of the British state, the empire as an economic and military entity, and the inequalities it contained. Yet Labour initially thought on the subject primarily in terms of the liberal objective of the advancement of self-government. It was only in the 1930s, in the writings of Lansbury and Attlee, that more systematic thinking about the empire in terms of global divisions of labour of which the British working class were among the beneficiaries, began to emerge. Tensions between the perceived interests of these beneficiaries and of the working classes of the empire as a whole remained in Attlee's postwar government. It did, however, begin to develop a reconceptionalisation of the empire as a multi-racial Commonwealth. This facilitated a Labour patriotism around the Commonwealth that reached its apogee in Gaitskell's weaponising of it as a means of resisting European entry in 1962. Yet the economic and military relations he evoked were already out of date, leaving his successor, Harold Wilson, to adjust to a multi-racial partnership

The free churches and the Labour Party in England and Wales 1918-1939

PhDThis thesis has two principal objectives. Firstly it seeks to examine the response of the traditionally Liberal Free Churches to the inter-war decline of that party, the rise of Labour and the changing economic, social and political developments and issues which accompanied this process. This response is considered both in terms of the Free Church leadership and, with the aid of local case studies in Bolton, Bradford, Liverpool and Norfolk, of chapel society. It is therefore examined not only in terms of the changing theological and political attitudes of the Free Church leadership, that leadership's contribution to Christian Socialism in the period and its enthusiasm for particular issues like temperance. The financial problems, political witness and changing nature of the chapel community, its communication of ideals and distinctive way of looking at the world, has also been fully considered. Secondly the thesis seeks to establish the extent to which Free Churchmen were representative of a working class party in a country where the working class was not usually noted for its religiosity, how substantial the Free Church presence in the party was and why, and what contribution they made to it. This involves not only an examination of the relationship between the Free Churches and the working classes but also of the composition of the party, both at national level and in the local areas researched. Consideration has also been given to the extent to which Nonconformist Socialists have proved willing to take over from their Liberal counterparts as the bearers of the "Nonconformist Conscience" (involving close scrutiny of the development of and the labour party's response to typical Free Church concerns like temperance, gambling, Sabbatarianism, peace, education and disestablishment) and to the contribution their Christianity made to the objectives and ideals of the Labour party

Varicella-Zoster viruses associated with post-herpetic neuralgia induce sodium current density increases in the ND7-23 Nav-1.8 neuroblastoma cell line

Post-herpetic neuralgia (PHN) is the most significant complication of herpes zoster caused by reactivation of latent Varicella-Zoster virus (VZV). We undertook a heterologous infection in vitro study to determine whether PHN-associated VZV isolates induce changes in sodium ion channel currents known to be associated with neuropathic pain. Twenty VZV isolates were studied blind from 11 PHN and 9 non-PHN subjects. Viruses were propagated in the MeWo cell line from which cell-free virus was harvested and applied to the ND7/23-Nav1.8 rat DRG x mouse neuroblastoma hybrid cell line which showed constitutive expression of the exogenous Nav 1.8, and endogenous expression of Nav 1.6 and Nav 1.7 genes all encoding sodium ion channels the dysregulation of which is associated with a range of neuropathic pain syndromes. After 72 hrs all three classes of VZV gene transcripts were detected in the absence of infectious virus. Single cell sodium ion channel recording was performed after 72 hr by voltage-clamping. PHN-associated VZV significantly increased sodium current amplitude in the cell line when compared with non-PHN VZV, wild-type (Dumas) or vaccine VZV strains ((POka, Merck and GSK). These sodium current increases were unaffected by acyclovir pre-treatment but were abolished by exposure to Tetrodotoxin (TTX) which blocks the TTX-sensitive fast Nav 1.6 and Nav 1.7 channels but not the TTX-resistant slow Nav 1.8 channel. PHN-associated VZV sodium current increases were therefore mediated in part by the Nav 1.6 and Nav 1.7 sodium ion channels. An additional observation was a modest increase in message levels of both Nav1.6 and Nav1.7 mRNA but not Nav 1.8 in PHN virally infected cells