22 research outputs found

    How, when and where can Spatial Segregation Induce Opinion Polarization? Two Competing Models

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    Contains fulltext : 169254.pdf (publisher's version ) (Open Access)Increasing ethnic diversity fosters scholarly interest in how the spatial segregation of groups affects opinion polarization in a society. Despite much empirical and theoretical research, there is little consensus in the literature on the causal link between the spatial segregation of two groups and the emergence of opinion polarization. We contribute to the debate by investigating theoretically the conditions under which the former fosters or hinders the latter. We focus on two processes of opinion polarization (negative influence and persuasive argument communication) that, according to previous modeling work, can be expected to make conflicting predictions about the relationship between segregation and opinion polarization. With a Schelling-type agent-based model of residential segregation, we generate initial environments with different levels of group segregation. Then we simulate the two processes of opinion dynamics. We show that the negative influence model predicts segregation to hinder the emergence of opinion polarization. On the other hand, the persuasive argument model predicts that segregation does not substantially foster polarization. Moreover, we explore how the spatial patterns of opinion distribution differ between the models: in particular, we investigate the likelihood that group membership and opinion align. We show that the alignment of group membership and opinions differs between the two opinion formation models, and that the scale at which we measure alignment plays a crucial role.22 p

    Preferences for work arrangements:A discrete choice experiment

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    This study investigates individual preferences for work arrangements in a discrete choice experiment. Based on sociological and economic literature, we identified six essential job attributes—earnings, job security, training opportunities, scheduling flexibility, prestige of the company, and gender composition of the work team—and mapped these into hypothetical job offers. Out of three job offers, with different specifications in the respective job attributes, respondents had to choose the offer they considered as most attractive. In 2017, we implemented our choice experiment in two large-scale surveys conducted in two countries: Germany (N = 2,659) and the Netherlands (N = 2,678). Our analyses revealed that respondents considered all six job attributes in their decision process but had different priorities for each. Moreover, we found gendered preferences. Women preferred scheduling flexibility and a company with a good reputation, whereas men preferred jobs with high earnings and a permanent contract. Despite different national labor market regulations, different target populations, and different sampling strategies for the two surveys, job preferences for German and Dutch respondents were largely parallel

    De onderwijskansen van allochtone en autochtone Nederlanders vergeleken: een cohort-design

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    Summary Ethnic inequality of educational opportunities in the Netherlands: A cohort design The largest Dutch ethnic minority groups did not improve their position in the educational system compared to that of the native Dutch. We show this by cohort analysis on data from the Sociale Positie en Voorzieningengebruik van Allochtonen Surveys (1988, 1991, 1994, 1998 en 2002), by testing hypotheses from the ‘Maximum Maintained Inequality’ and ‘Effectively Maintained Inequality’ propositions. After elementary school, ethnic minorities choose relatively more often than their Dutch counterparts for the lower tracks (LBO, MAVO). For successive birth cohorts, this pattern becomes more pronounced. If minority members succeed in passing higher general secondary education, they are less likely to continue their school career. This remains true for all investigated birth cohorts (1960- 1980). Moreover, the higher general track at the tertiary level (i.e. university) becomes more exclusively the domain of the native Dutch. In a country where class-based and gender-based educational inequality has decreased over time, ethnic-based educational inequality remains very apparent.

    Where does ethnic concentration matter for populist radical right support? An analysis of geographical scale and the halo effect

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    It is often hypothesised that the share of the population in an area belonging to an ethnic minority group positively influences the support for populist radical right-wing parties among native residents. However, empirical tests of this relationship have yielded mixed results, which may be a result of the wide variety of geographical scales at which ethnic concentration has been measured. Furthermore, it may be that it is the spatial distribution of minorities within the residential area that matters for radical right support, rather than their overall group size. The present study examines these issues by constructing egohoods and halos of varying sizes around respondents' homes. Connecting survey data from the Netherlands Longitudinal Lifecourse Study to detailed geographical data on ethnic concentration, it is found that support for the Dutch PVV is high in areas with low shares of minorities and decreases in areas with higher minority shares, up to a tipping point when minorities make up around 25% of the population. When shares of ethnic minorities become even larger, we tentatively conclude that support for the PVV increases again. This observed U-shaped pattern is consistent across distance-based egohoods ranging in radii from 200 to 5000 m, population-based egohoods with between 4000 and 120000 inhabitants, and administrative neighbourhoods, districts, and municipalities. Additionally, this study found that, in urban areas, native residents of relatively homogenous neighbourhoods whose surrounding area – the ‘halo’ – harbours a pronounced cluster of minority residents are more likely to support the radical right