56 research outputs found

    Mistica della governabilitaŐÄ e sistema delle fonti: la riforma costituzionale Renzi-Boschi

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    Il saggio analizza il revisionismo costituzionale della fase attuale. Il valore ispiratore del d.d.l. cost. Renzi-Boschi, identificato nel mito della governabilitaŐÄ, finisce per costituzionalizzare la piuŐÄ volte denunciata torsione del sistema costituzionale delle fonti in chiave governo-centrica, senza individuare poteri di bilanciamento e controllo in capo al Parlamento.The paper analyses present Italian constitutional revisionism. The constitutional bill so-called Renzi-Boschi is identified as founded in the ‚Äúgovernability myth‚ÄĚ. It ends up constitutionalizing the ongoing denounced twisted constitutional system of sources in a government centered tone, without identifying any balancing power or control on the side of Parliament

    Poteri pubblici e poteri privati nel mondo digitale

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    La relazione indaga i poteri privati del cyberspazio, divenuti autorit√†. Dopo averne individuato i tratti distintivi e l‚Äôimpatto sulle libert√† costituzionali delle persone, l‚ÄôAutore prospetta un approccio regolatorio fondato sulla ‚Äúcattura costituzionale‚ÄĚ dell‚Äôeconomia digitale, al fine di spezzare i tanti oligopoli di cui √® disseminato il mondo delle piattaforme online

    Epidemia e differenziazione territoriale

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    : The paper examines the regulatory measures taken by the Government to deal with the Sars-Cov-2 epidemic. In particular, the authors highlight how, in addition to introducing excessive restrictions on constitutional freedoms, they adopt a uniform approach, treating reasonably different territorial situations in the same way. This concerned the situation of the main islands, and in particular of the Region of Sardinia, where a different modulation of restrictions to constitutional freedoms would probably have been more appropriate depending on the different danger and other factors relevant to the decision, such as population density and socio-economic context

    Stephen Breyer giurista democratico

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    Stephen Breyer democratic jurist - On the occasion of Breyer's retirement after twenty-eight years as Associate Justice of the U.S. Supreme Court, this essay profiles him as an atypical jurist whose approach to the Constitution is of extreme interest. Breyer has been able to display an extraordinary capacity in finding solutions far from the polarization that has characterized the last decades of the U.S. politics. As he wrote most recently in Dobbs, in a constitutional system where unelected judges have the power to check elected officials, the most powerful tool at Court's disposal is acting ‚Äúwith judicial modesty and humility‚ÄĚ, guided by legal principles and not politics

    Gobernanza de los macrodatos y democracia representativa

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    The ‚Äúbig data‚ÄĚ phenomenon turns out to have a significant impact on¬†the political-institutional sphere and on traditional channels of political¬†representation. The latest U.S. presidential election is a clear proof. The¬†electoral campaign which allowed Trump to get to the Presidency is just¬†the last example showing how the use of data is changing the relationship¬†between citizens and institutions. It would be wrong, however, thinking¬†that the mentioned phenomenon is limited to the U.S. reality. Big data,¬†as has been highlighted in the literature, differ from traditional data (or¬†small data) for three main characteristics, the so-called 3Vs: volume,¬†velocity and variety. The impact on the political institutions side is considerable,¬†and is determined above all by the strong predictive capacity as¬†a typical feature of big data utilization. Processing large amount of data,¬†ends up in a close and reliable picture of what is going to happen, where¬†the more traditional small data have always been characterized by inaccuracy¬†and disorder. This is what data mining (i.e. the set of techniques¬†and methodologies aimed at extracting information from large amounts¬†of data) apply for. In a phase where the political representation circuit¬†seems to be afflicted by an irreversible crisis, big data risks to transfigure¬†the relationship between citizens and institutions and it is worth of a deep¬†analysis.Summary:1. Big data and democracy. ‚Äď 2. The multi-functionality of big data. ‚Äď 3.¬†Big data, populismo and representative democracy.El fen√≥meno de los macrodatos tiene un impacto significativo en el √°mbito pol√≠tico-institucional y en los canales tradicionales de representaci√≥n¬†pol√≠tica. La √ļltima elecci√≥n presidencial de los Estados Unidos es una¬†prueba clara. La campa√Īa electoral que permiti√≥ a Trump llegar a la Presidencia¬†es solo el √ļltimo ejemplo que muestra c√≥mo el uso de los datos est√°¬†cambiando la relaci√≥n entre ciudadanos e instituciones. Sin embargo, ser√≠a¬†err√≥neo pensar que el fen√≥meno mencionado se limita a la realidad de los¬†Estados Unidos. Los macrodatos, como se ha destacado en la literatura, difieren¬†de los datos tradicionales (o datos peque√Īos) para tres caracter√≠sticas¬†principales, las llamadas 3V: volumen, velocidad y variedad. El impacto¬†en el lado de las instituciones pol√≠ticas es considerable, y est√° determinado¬†sobre todo por la fuerte capacidad predictiva como caracter√≠stica t√≠pica de¬†la utilizaci√≥n de los macrodatos. El procesamiento de una gran cantidad de¬†datos termina en una imagen cercana y confiable de lo que suceder√°, donde¬†los peque√Īos datos m√°s tradicionales siempre se han caracterizado por¬†la inexactitud y el desorden. Esto es lo que se aplica a la miner√≠a de datos¬†(es decir, el conjunto de t√©cnicas y metodolog√≠as destinadas a extraer informaci√≥n¬†de grandes cantidades de datos). En una fase en la que el circuito¬†de representaci√≥n pol√≠tica parece estar afectado por una crisis irreversible,¬†los macrodatos corren el riesgo de transfigurar la relaci√≥n entre ciudadanos e instituciones y merece un an√°lisis profundo

    The Changing Landscape for Stroke\ua0Prevention in AF: Findings From the GLORIA-AF Registry Phase 2

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    Background GLORIA-AF (Global Registry on Long-Term Oral Antithrombotic Treatment in Patients with Atrial Fibrillation) is a prospective, global registry program describing antithrombotic treatment patterns in patients with newly diagnosed nonvalvular atrial fibrillation at risk of stroke. Phase 2 began when dabigatran, the first non\u2013vitamin K antagonist oral anticoagulant (NOAC), became available. Objectives This study sought to describe phase 2 baseline data and compare these with the pre-NOAC era collected during phase 1. Methods During phase 2, 15,641 consenting patients were enrolled (November 2011 to December 2014); 15,092 were eligible. This pre-specified cross-sectional analysis describes eligible patients\u2019 baseline characteristics. Atrial fibrillation disease characteristics, medical outcomes, and concomitant diseases and medications were collected. Data were analyzed using descriptive statistics. Results Of the total patients, 45.5% were female; median age was 71 (interquartile range: 64, 78) years. Patients were from Europe (47.1%), North America (22.5%), Asia (20.3%), Latin America (6.0%), and the Middle East/Africa (4.0%). Most had high stroke risk (CHA2DS2-VASc [Congestive heart failure, Hypertension, Age  6575 years, Diabetes mellitus, previous Stroke, Vascular disease, Age 65 to 74 years, Sex category] score  652; 86.1%); 13.9% had moderate risk (CHA2DS2-VASc = 1). Overall, 79.9% received oral anticoagulants, of whom 47.6% received NOAC and 32.3% vitamin K antagonists (VKA); 12.1% received antiplatelet agents; 7.8% received no antithrombotic treatment. For comparison, the proportion of phase 1 patients (of N = 1,063 all eligible) prescribed VKA was 32.8%, acetylsalicylic acid 41.7%, and no therapy 20.2%. In Europe in phase 2, treatment with NOAC was more common than VKA (52.3% and 37.8%, respectively); 6.0% of patients received antiplatelet treatment; and 3.8% received no antithrombotic treatment. In North America, 52.1%, 26.2%, and 14.0% of patients received NOAC, VKA, and antiplatelet drugs, respectively; 7.5% received no antithrombotic treatment. NOAC use was less common in Asia (27.7%), where 27.5% of patients received VKA, 25.0% antiplatelet drugs, and 19.8% no antithrombotic treatment. Conclusions The baseline data from GLORIA-AF phase 2 demonstrate that in newly diagnosed nonvalvular atrial fibrillation patients, NOAC have been highly adopted into practice, becoming more frequently prescribed than VKA in Europe and North America. Worldwide, however, a large proportion of patients remain undertreated, particularly in Asia and North America. (Global Registry on Long-Term Oral Antithrombotic Treatment in Patients With Atrial Fibrillation [GLORIA-AF]; NCT01468701

    Diritto all'assistenza sociale e terzo settore nell'ordinamento regionale sardo

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    Il volume svolge una riflessione sullo stato del diritto all‚Äôassistenza sociale in Sardegna. Sottoposta alla prova della crisi economica globale e italiana, la garanzia di tale diritto √® sempre pi√Ļ condizionata da politiche regionali efficienti, stante il crescente ruolo delle regioni nel complessivo assetto del welfare. Dopo aver analizzato due casi di studio ‚Äď l‚Äôassistenza alle persone con disabilit√† e l‚Äôassistenza agli immigrati ‚Äď anche alla luce dei flussi finanziari esistenti, il volume ricostruisce il quadro giuridico dentro cui le politiche sull‚Äôassistenza sociale si sviluppano e svolge alcune riflessioni sull‚Äôeffettivit√† e le esigenze di miglioramento di tali politiche nella Regione Sardegna

    Diritto giurisprudenziale versus occasionalismo giurisprudenziale

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    Regolare Internet. Le libertà di informazione e di comunicazione nell'era digitale

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    A fronte di quelle tesi, affermatesi principalmente in ambiente anglosassone, che ne predicano l’insensibilità al formante giuridico, la regolabilità di Internet è tecnicamente e costituzionalmente possibile. La regolazione di Internet è, anzi, propedeutica alla tutela delle libertà stabilite in Costituzione, essendo funzionale ad impedire gli abusi e, a un tempo, garantire i diritti direttamente implicati. In particolare, le disposizioni costituzionali che tutelano le libertà di informazione e di comunicazione, così come gli altri diritti il cui effettivo esercizio presuppone ormai l’uso di Internet, mantengono una forza prescrittiva cui il legislatore è chiamato a dare concreta attuazione: è nella Costituzione, infatti, che è scritta quella promessa di cambiamento sociale e tutela delle libertà, cui il potere politico non può in alcun modo sottrarsi senza amputare la base di senso della sua legittimazione
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