920 research outputs found
"Is it just so my right?" Women repossessing breastfeeding
Infant feeding occurs in the context of continued gender inequities and in the context of a feminist movement that left women vulnerable to a system that defined the male body and mind as the norm. This paper draws from a qualitative analysis of interviews conducted with women artists at the 2005 Mamapalooza music festival in New York City, and conference participants at the 2005 La Leche League International and International Lactation Consultant Association Conferences and at the 2007 Reproductive Freedom Conference to understand our collective alienation from breastfeeding and to outline a process for how we might repossess breastfeeding as a positive function in women's lives. These women find power in honoring and validating their own experiences, in claiming those experiences as legitimate feminist actions, and then drawing on these experiences to seek new meanings, customs and norms that similarly honor, value and support their rights to those experiences. They argue that we need a feminist movement that fully incorporates women's needs as biological and reproductive social beings, alongside their needs as productive beings, and a movement that defines the female body and mind as the norm
Women’s status, breastfeeding support, and breastfeeding practices in the United States
The objective of this study is to examine associations between state-level breastfeeding support and breastfeeding practices, controlling for women’s status, in the U.S. We used publicly available data on state-level breastfeeding practices and support (international board-certified lactation consultants (IBCLC), births in Baby-Friendly hospitals, and La Leche League Leaders) for births in 2015 from the CDC Breastfeeding Report Card (2018) and other CDC reported data, and indicators of women’s status from the Institute for Women’s Policy Research reports (2015). We conducted an ecological study to estimate incidence rate ratios of exclusive breastfeeding at six months and breastfeeding at 12 months with breastfeeding supports using bivariate and multivariable Poisson regression. Political participation, poverty, and employment and earnings were associated with breastfeeding practices, as was each breastfeeding support in bivariate analyses. After controlling for women’s status, only IBCLCs were positively associated with rates of exclusive breastfeeding at 6 months and continued breastfeeding at 12 months. For every additional IBCLC per 1000 live births, the rate of exclusive breastfeeding at 6 months increased by 5 percent (95% CI 1.03, 1.07) and the rate of breastfeeding at 12 months increased by 4 percent (95% CI 1.02, 1.06). Political participation, poverty, and employment and earnings were associated with breastfeeding practices, indicating a relationship between women’s political and economic status and their breastfeeding practices in the U.S. Given the influence of women’s status, increasing the number of IBCLCs may improve breastfeeding practices
Intimate partner aggression: what have we learned? Commentary of Archer’s meta-Analysis.
Archer's work (2000) is a meta-analysis of the Conflict Tactics Scale (CTS; Straus, 1979) that provides a summary of what has been learned from applications of this instrument, especially with adolescents and young adults in dating rather than long-term relationships. He concluded that more women than men self-report physical aggression toward a partner, although a higher proportion of those injured and receiving medical attention are women. A meta-analysis can be viewed as comprising three stages: primary—the level of the original data in the component studies, secondary—the formal meta-analysis, and tertiary—the level of interpretation of the results. Although the author is not responsible for the flaws in the available studies, he must frame the conclusions within the constraints identified in the primary data because nothing in meta-analysis neutralizes them. We conclude that Archer's work falls short at all three stages. This commentary outlines our concerns regarding (a) the two conflicting viewpoints about intimate partner violence that ground the work; (b) the conceptualization and operational definitions of the constructs of aggression, violence, physical assault, and harm assessment; (c) fundamental and common methodological limitations of the studies included in the meta-analysis that should have tempered interpretation of the findings; and (d) issues of generalizability of the results. We conclude by elaborating a broader context supporting the gendered nature of intimate violence within which the research questions could be profitably studied
Beyond the measurement trap: a reconstructed conceptualization and measurement of battering.
Many areas of women's health, including battering, suffer from conceptual and methodological deficits. This article uses the "measurement trap" (Graham & Campbell, 1991), a set of conditions defined by lack of information resulting from a narrow conceptualization of the problem, poor existing data sources, inappropriate outcome indicators, and limited measurement techniques, as a framework for describing how current approaches to conceptualizing and measuring battering hamper research and program efforts in the field of domestic violence. We then describe an alternative conceptualization-and-measurement approach that is based on battered women's experiences. We argue that an experiential approach, which grounds measurement in women's lived experiences, improves our ability to conduct research that correctly identifies, monitors, and explains the epidemiology of this phenomenon and provides a solid basis for policy and program development
Prevalence and distinctiveness of battering, physical assault and sexual assault in a population-based sample.
The types of violence subsumed under the term intimate partner violence include physical assault, sexual assault, psychological abuse, and battering. This study is the first to estimate the prevalence of intimate partner violence by type (battering, physical assaults, and sexual assaults) in a population-based sample of women aged 18 to 45. The authors describe the prevalence of partner violence by type as well as the demographic, health behavior, and health status correlates of intimate partner violence by type. Findings support the empirical distinction of battering and assault. Battering as measured by the Women’s Experiences With Battering (WEB) Scale provided the most comprehensive measure of intimate partner violence
Physical health consequences of physical and psychological intimate partner violence
Background: Past studies that have addressed the health effects of intimate partner violence (IPV) have defined IPV as violence based on physical blows that frequently cause injuries. To our knowledge, no epidemiologic research has assessed the physical health consequences of psychological forms of IPV. Objective: To estimate IPV prevalence by type and associated physical health consequences among women seeking primary health care. Design: Cross-sectional survey. Setting and Participants: A total of 1152 women, aged 18 to 65 years, recruited from family practice clinics from February 1997 through January 1999 and screened for IPV during a brief in-clinic interview; health history and current status were assessed in a follow-up interview. Results: Of 1152 women surveyed, 53.6% ever experienced any type of partner violence; 13.6% experienced psychological IPV without physical IPV. Women experiencing psychological IPV were significantly more likely to report poor physical and mental health (adjusted relative risk [RR], 1.69 for physical health and 1.74 for mental health). Psychological IPV was associated with a number of adverse health outcomes, including a disability preventing work (adjusted RR, 1.49), arthritis (adjusted RR, 1.67), chronic pain (adjusted RR, 1.91), migraine (adjusted RR, 1.54) and other frequent headaches (adjusted RR, 1.41), stammering (adjusted RR, 2.31), sexually transmitted infections (adjusted RR, 1.82), chronic pelvic pain (adjusted RR, 1.62), stomach ulcers (adjusted RR, 1.72), spastic colon (adjusted RR, 3.62), and frequent indigestion, diarrhea, or constipation (adjusted RR, 1.30). Psychological IPV was as strongly associated with the majority of adverse health outcomes as was physical IPV. Conclusions: Psychological IPV has significant physical health consequences. To reduce the range of health consequences associated with IPV, clinicians should screen for psychological forms of IPV as well as physical and sexual IPV
Physical and Mental Health Consequences of Intimate Partner Violence in Men and Women.
Background
Few population-based studies have assessed the physical and mental health consequences of both psychological and physical intimate partner violence (IPV) among women or men victims. This study estimated IPV prevalence by type (physical, sexual, and psychological) and associated physical and mental health consequences among women and men.
Methods
The study analyzed data from the National Violence Against Women Survey (NVAWS) of women and men aged 18 to 65. This random-digit-dial telephone survey included questions about violent victimization and health status indicators.
Results
A total of 28.9% of 6790 women and 22.9% of 7122 men had experienced physical, sexual, or psychological IPV during their lifetime. Women were significantly more likely than men to experience physical or sexual IPV (relative risk [RR]=2.2, 95% confidence interval [CI]=2.1, 2.4) and abuse of power and control (RR=1.1, 95% CI=1.0, 1.2), but less likely than men to report verbal abuse alone (RR=0.8, 95% CI=0.7, 0.9). For both men and women, physical IPV victimization was associated with increased risk of current poor health; depressive symptoms; substance use; and developing a chronic disease, chronic mental illness, and injury. In general, abuse of power and control was more strongly associated with these health outcomes than was verbal abuse. When physical and psychological IPV scores were both included in logistic regression models, higher psychological IPV scores were more strongly associated with these health outcomes than were physical IPV scores.
Conclusions
Both physical and psychological IPV are associated with significant physical and mental health consequences for both male and female victims
Women's experience with battering: a conceptualization from qualitative research.
Battering of women by their male partners affects an estimated 3 -4 million women each year in the United States. Prevalence studies indicate that between one-third and one-fifth of all women will be physically assaulted by a male partner. Battering generally consists of men's continuous use of physical, and often sexual, assaults along with verbally and emotionally abusive behaviors that may become more severe and damaging over time. In addition to assaulting their partners, batterers also threaten, intimidate, and humiliate them; isolate them from family and friends; restrict their access to money and other resources; threaten the safety of children and others in their families; and control their activities outside the home. Sex is also a weapon batterers use to gain power over their partners; this manifests itself as both rape and withholding sexual affection. Evidence is growing that the physical, psychological, and sexual violence battered women are subjected to contributes to the development of many serious health problems including injury, depression, anxiety, posttraumatic stress disorder, chronic pain, gastrointestinal disorders, substance abuse, suicide, and homicide
Social support moderates negative effects of partner violence on mental health
Objectives: Social support for abused women may reduce the impact of abuse on mental
health, yet few studies have addressed this issue. We wish to determine associations between
intimate partner violence (IPV) and mental health outcomes and to assess the protective role
of abuse disclosure and support on mental health among abused women.
Methods: A cross-sectional survey was conducted of 1152 women, ages 18–65, recruited from
family practice clinics from 1997 through 1999. They were screened for IPV during a brief inclinic
interview, and physical and mental health status was assessed in a follow-up interview.
Results: IPV, defined as sexual, physical, or psychological abuse, was associated with poor
perceived mental and physical health, substance abuse, symptoms of posttraumatic stress disorder
(PTSD), current depression, anxiety, and suicide ideation/actions. Among women experiencing
IPV and controlling for IPV frequency, higher social support scores were associated
with a significantly reduced risk of poor perceived mental health (adjusted relative risk
[aRR] 0.5, 95% confidence interval [CI] 0.3, 0.6) and physical health (aRR 0.6, 95% CI 0.5, 0.8),
anxiety (aRR 0.3, 95% CI 0.2, 0.4), current depression (aRR 0.6, 95% CI 0.5, 0.8), PTSD symptoms
(aRR 0.5, 95% CI 0.4, 0.8), and suicide attempts (aRR 0.6, 95% CI 0.4, 0.9).
Conclusions: Healthcare providers can be instrumental in identifying IPV and helping
women develop skills, resources, and support networks to address IPV. Physicians, family,
or friends may provide needed social support
No safe haven: male violence against women at home, at work, and in the community [book review]
No Safe Haven is the excellent final product of the American Psychological Association's Task Force on Male Violence Against Women. Spearheaded by a renowned group of scientists, the Task Force was charged, in 1991, with reviewing current research on the prevalence, causes and impact of violence against women at home (intimate violence), at work (sexual harassment) and in the community (rape/sexual assault), and to recommend clinical and community-based interventions, legal changes and policy initiatives to address the violence. The task force and the book are designed to inspire health professionals to address the crisis of violence against women and to provide new insights into the problem
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