Vicarious Shame and Guilt

Participants recalled instances when they felt vicariously ashamed or guilty for another’s wrongdoing and rated their appraisals of the event and resulting motivations. The study tested aspects of social association that uniquely predict vicarious shame and guilt. Results suggest that the experience of vicarious shame and vicarious guilt are distinguishable. Vicarious guilt was predicted by one’s perceived interdependence with the wrongdoer (e.g. high interpersonal interaction), an appraisal of control over the event, and a motivation to repair the other person’s wrongdoing. Vicarious shame was predicted by the relevance of the event to a shared social identity with the wrongdoer, an appraisal of self-image threat, and a motivation to distance from the event. Implications for intergroup behavior and emotion are discussed

Parents' Vicarious Shame and Guilt Responses to Children's Wrong-doings

Contemporary theory on moral emotion distinguishes shame and guilt, and differentiates the cognitive antecedents and motivational consequences of each (Tangney & Fischer, 1995). Recent theory and research has expanded these ideas to recognize that others' negative actions can cause shame and guilt vicariously (Lickel et al, 2005). Applying these models, the present research tested factors that differentiate a parent's shame or guilt reaction to the misdeeds of their children and the relationship between emotion and discipline strategies. In Study 1, parents recalled their child's worst transgression and rated its effect on their thoughts and feelings. Results revealed that publicity appraisals uniquely predicted shame, as mediated by image threat. In contrast, perceptions that one has less control than they feel parents should have over their children (interdependence discrepancy) uniquely predicted guilt. In Study 2, mothers rated what they would think, feel, and do if their child hit another child in front of a neighbor who was described as supportive, neutral, or judgmental. We also primed a sense of control deficiency using an ease of recall paradigm. Results revealed that a critical observer elevated ratings of shame compared to control; although a supportive observer did not act as a buffer from shame as expected. Guilt was higher for mothers with chronically high ratings of control deficiency only when they were also primed to feel they lack the ability to influence their children, and not when they were primed with a sense of control. Across both studies, guilt predicted more adaptive discipline patterns, whereas shame predicted less adaptive discipline. Implications for the role of self-conscious emotion in family dynamics are discussed

Vicarious Shame and Guilt

International audienceParticipants recalled instances when they felt vicariously ashamed or guilty for another's wrongdoing and rated their appraisals of the event and resulting motivations. The study tested aspects of social association that uniquely predict vicarious shame and guilt. Results suggest that the experience of vicarious shame and vicarious guilt are distinguishable. Vicarious guilt was predicted by one's perceived interdependence with the wrongdoer (e.g. high interpersonal interaction), an appraisal of control over the event, and a motivation to repair the other person's wrongdoing. Vicarious shame was predicted by the relevance of the event to a shared social identity with the wrongdoer, an appraisal of self-image threat, and a motivation to distance from the event. Implications for intergroup behavior and emotion are discussed