Intraspeaker Comparisons of Acoustic and Articulatory Variability in American English /r/ Productions

The purpose of this report is to test the hypothesis that speakers utilize an acoustic, rather than articulatory, planning space for speech production. It has been well-documented that many speakers of American English use different tongue configurations to produce /r/ in different phonetic contexts. The acoustic planning hypothesis suggests that although the /r/ configuration varies widely in different contexts, the primary acoustic cue for /r/, a dip in the F3 trajectory, will be less variable due to tradeoffs in articulatory variability, or trading relations, that help maintain a relatively constant F3 trajectory across phonetic contexts. Acoustic data and EMMA articulatory data from seven speakers producing /r/ in different phonetic contexts were analyzed. Visual inspection of the EMMA data at the point of F3 minimum revealed that each speaker appeared to use at least two of three trading relation strategies that would be expected to reduce F3 variability. Articulatory covariance measures confirmed that all seven speakers utilized a trading relation between tongue back height and tongue back horizontal position, six speakers utilized a trading relation between tongue tip height and tongue back height, and the speaker who did not use this latter strategy instead utilized a trading relation between tongue tip height and tongue back horizontal position. Estimates of F3 variability with and without the articulatory covariances indicated that F3 would be much higher for all speakers if the articulatory covariances were not utilized. These conclusions were further supported by a comparison of measured F3 variability to F3 variabilities estimated from the pellet data with and without articulatory covariances. In all subjects, the actual F3 variance was significantly lower than the F3 variance estimated without articulatory covariances, further supporting the conclusion that the articulatory trading relations were being used to reduce F3 variability. Together, these results strongly suggest that the neural control mechanisms underlying speech production make elegant use of trading relations between articulators to maintain a relatively invariant acoustic trace for /r/ across phonetic contexts

Intraspeaker Comparisons of Acoustic and Articulatory Variability in American English /r/ Productions

The purpose of this report is to test the hypothesis that speakers utilize an acoustic, rather than articulatory, planning space for speech production. It has been well-documented that many speakers of American English use different tongue configurations to produce /r/ in different phonetic contexts. The acoustic planning hypothesis suggests that although the /r/ configuration varies widely in different contexts, the primary acoustic cue for /r/, a dip in the F3 trajectory, will be less variable due to tradeoffs in articulatory variability, or trading relations, that help maintain a relatively constant F3 trajectory across phonetic contexts. Acoustic data and EMMA articulatory data from seven speakers producing /r/ in different phonetic contexts were analyzed. Visual inspection of the EMMA data at the point of F3 minimum revealed that each speaker appeared to use at least two of three trading relation strategies that would be expected to reduce F3 variability. Articulatory covariance measures confirmed that all seven speakers utilized a trading relation between tongue back height and tongue back horizontal position, six speakers utilized a trading relation between tongue tip height and tongue back height, and the speaker who did not use this latter strategy instead utilized a trading relation between tongue tip height and tongue back horizontal position. Estimates of F3 variability with and without the articulatory covariances indicated that F3 would be much higher for all speakers if the articulatory covariances were not utilized. These conclusions were further supported by a comparison of measured F3 variability to F3 variabilities estimated from the pellet data with and without articulatory covariances. In all subjects, the actual F3 variance was significantly lower than the F3 variance estimated without articulatory covariances, further supporting the conclusion that the articulatory trading relations were being used to reduce F3 variability. Together, these results strongly suggest that the neural control mechanisms underlying speech production make elegant use of trading relations between articulators to maintain a relatively invariant acoustic trace for /r/ across phonetic contexts

Articulatory Tradeoffs Reduce Acoustic Variability During American English /r/ Production

Acoustic and articulatory recordings reveal that speakers utilize systematic articulatory tradeoffs to maintain acoustic stability when producing the phoneme /r/. Distinct articulator configurations used to produce /r/ in various phonetic contexts show systematic tradeoffs between the cross-sectional areas of different vocal tract sections. Analysis of acoustic and articulatory variabilities reveals that these tradeoffs act to reduce acoustic variability, thus allowing large contextual variations in vocal tract shape; these contextual variations in turn apparently reduce the amount of articulatory movement required. These findings contrast with the widely held view that speaking involves a canonical vocal tract shape target for each phoneme.National Institute on Deafness and Other Communication Disorders (1R29-DC02852-02, 5R01-DC01925-04, 1R03-C2576-0l); National Science Foundation (IRI-9310518

Influences of tongue biomechanics on speech movements during the production of velar stop consonants: a modeling study

This study explores the following hypothesis: forward looping movements of the tongue that are observed in VCV sequences are due partly to the anatomical arrangement of the tongue muscles and how they are used to produce a velar closure. The study uses an anatomically based 2D biomechanical tongue model. Tissue elastic properties are accounted for in finite-element modeling, and movement is controlled by constant-rate control parameter shifts. Tongue raising and lowering movements are produced by the model with the combined actions of the genioglossus, styloglossus and hyoglossus. Simulations of V1CV2 movements were made, where C is a velar consonant and V is [a], [i] or [u]. If V1 is one of the vowels [a] and [u], the resulting trajectories describe movements that begin to loop forward before consonant closure and continue to slide along the palate during the closure. This prediction is in agreement with classical data published in the literature. If V1 is vowel [i], we observe a small backward movement. This is also in agreement with some measurements on human speakers, but it is also in contradiction with the original data published by Houde (1967). These observations support the idea that the biomechanical properties of the tongue could be the main factor responsible for the forward loops when V1 is a back vowel. In the left [i] context, it seems that additional factors have to be taken into considerations, in order to explain the observations made on some speaker

Speech Communication

Contains table of contents for Part V, table of contents for Section 1, reports on six research projects and a list of publications.C.J. Lebel FellowshipDennis Klatt Memorial FundNational Institutes of Health Grant R01-DC00075National Institutes of Health Grant R01-DC01291National Institutes of Health Grant R01-DC01925National Institutes of Health Grant R01-DC02125National Institutes of Health Grant R01-DC02978National Institutes of Health Grant R01-DC03007National Institutes of Health Grant R29-DC02525National Institutes of Health Grant F32-DC00194National Institutes of Health Grant F32-DC00205National Institutes of Health Grant T32-DC00038National Science Foundation Grant IRI 89-05249National Science Foundation Grant IRI 93-14967National Science Foundation Grant INT 94-2114

Influences of tongue biomechanics on speech movements during the production of velar stop consonants: a modeling study

This study explores the following hypothesis: forward looping movements of the tongue that are observed in VCV sequences are due partly to the anatomical arrangement of the tongue muscles and how they are used to produce a velar closure. The study uses an anatomically based 2D biomechanical tongue model. Tissue elastic properties are accounted for in finite-element modeling, and movement is controlled by constant-rate control parameter shifts. Tongue raising and lowering movements are produced by the model with the combined actions of the genioglossus, styloglossus and hyoglossus. Simulations of V1CV2 movements were made, where C is a velar consonant and V is [a], [i] or [u]. If V1 is one of the vowels [a] and [u], the resulting trajectories describe movements that begin to loop forward before consonant closure and continue to slide along the palate during the closure. This prediction is in agreement with classical data published in the literature. If V1 is vowel [i], we observe a small backward movement. This is also in agreement with some measurements on human speakers, but it is also in contradiction with the original data published by Houde (1967). These observations support the idea that the biomechanical properties of the tongue could be the main factor responsible for the forward loops when V1 is a back vowel. In the left [i] context, it seems that additional factors have to be taken into considerations, in order to explain the observations made on some speaker

Degrees of freedom of tongue movements in speech may be constrained by biomechanics.

International audienceA number of studies carried out on different languages have found that tongue movements in speech are made along two primary degrees of freedom (d.f.s): the high-front to low-back axis and the high-back to low-front axis. We explore the hypothesis that these two main d.f.s could find their origins in the physical properties of the vocal tract. A large set of tongue shapes was generated with a biomechanical tongue model using a Monte-Carlo method to thoroughly sample the muscle control space. The resulting shapes were analyzed with PCA. The first two factors explain 84% of the variance, and they are similar to the two experimentally observed d.f.s. This finding suggests that the d.f.s. are not speech-specific, and that speech takes advantage of biomechanically based tongue properties to form different sounds