Análisis psicométrico del inventario de estrategias metacognitivas en niños de 4to y 5to de primaria de Colombia

In the present study it was analyzed the psychometric properties of the State Metacognitive Inventory (O’Neil & Abedi, 1996) in a sample of elementary school Colombian students, with the aim of facilitate its application in the educational context of Colombia. This is an instrumental study and associative kind. A sample of 220 students was intentionally selected from an educative institution from Barranquilla, 50.5% were women with an average age of 10 years old. It was applied the Vallejos et al.’s (2012) version of the instrument that has a three factor structure: self-knowledge, self-regulation and monitoring. Fort the validity estimation it was applied the confirmatory factor analysis, and for the calculation of reliability, McDonald’s Omega Test was used. The results verified the three factors structure, although only the dimension of self-knowledge obtained adequate reliability indexes. Moreover, by comparison of the self-knowledge levels considering the sex of the students, women had higher punctuations with significant statistics differences.En el presente estudio se analizaron las propiedades psicométricas del Inventario de Estrategias Metacognitivas de O’Neil y Abedi (1996) en una muestra de escolares colombianos de nivel primario, con la finalidad de habilitar su aplicación en el contexto educacional de Colombia. Para ello se usó un diseño instrumental y asociativo, en el que se tomó una muestra intencional de 220 estudiantes de una institución educativa de la costa norte de Colombia, de los cuales, el 50.5% fueron mujeres con una edad promedio de 10 años. Se aplicó la versión de la prueba validada por Vallejos et al. (2012) que tiene una estructura de tres factores: autoconocimiento, autorregulación y evaluación. Para el cálculo de la validez del instrumento se aplicó el análisis factorial confirmatorio, y, para el cálculo de la confiabilidad, la prueba Omega de McDonald. Los resultados corroboraron la estructura de tres factores, pero solo la primera dimensión obtuvo índices de confiabilidad adecuados. Asimismo, al comparar el nivel de autoconocimiento en función del sexo de los estudiantes, las mujeres obtuvieron medias más altas con diferencias estadísticamente significativas

Manuel Sacristán at the Onset of Ecological Marxism after Stalinism

Thirty-one years ago, in 1985, Manuel Sacristán died in Barcelona at the age of 59. After the publication in 2014 of a volume with some of his writings translated into English (Llorente 2014), it is time to help non-Spanish-speaking readers to know more about him. Yet it is not easy to explain to generations born after the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 that Manuel Sacristán was a most important Marxist philosopher and at the same time one of the few pioneers introducing political ecology and antinuclear peace movement during the last quarter of the 20th century in Spain. Many people believe that Marxism, environmentalism and pacifism are views that exclude each other. Most of what has been said and done on behalf of Marxism since Stalin took over the leadership of the Communist Party of the USSR in the 1930s, up to its dissolution in 1991, contributes to sustaining this belief. The fast industrialization of the Old Russian Empire undertaken by the Soviet State was nowhere near taking into account ecological sustainability. Its socio-environmental impact turned out to be comparable or even worse than the ones caused by capitalist industrialization

El marxismo y el socialismo ético

One of the principal legacies of analytical Marxism has been a moralization of Marxism, for some of the most influential analytical Marxists came to endorse the view that the Marxist condemnation of capitalism and defense of socialism ultimately derive from normative ethical considerations. If we accept this new interpretation of Marx and Marxism, with its emphasis on the moral foundations of Marxist doctrine, we are forced to reconsider the relationship between Marxism and another socialist tradition for which moral commitments are also fundamental, namely ethical socialism. If our reconsideration of this relationship avoids common misconceptions about ethical socialism (such as the idea that it implies reformism, or that it is identical to “utopian socialism”), we find that the dichotomy between ethical socialism and Marxist socialism proves untenable, at least in the terms in which it has usually been formulated.Quizá el legado más notable del llamado marxismo analítico sea la tesis, defendida por algunos destacados representantes de esta corriente filosófica, según la cual las razones que impulsan a Marx y al marxismo a condenar el capitalismo y defender el socialismo son, en el fondo, de una naturaleza moral. Si asumimos esta interpretación de Marx y del marxismo, nos veremos obligados a reconsiderar la relación entre el marxismo y otra tradición socialista para la cual los valores morales también son fundamentales, a saber, el llamado “socialismo ético”. Si al reconsiderar esta relación dejamos de lado algunas ideas falsas, si bien muy extendidas, con respecto a la naturaleza del socialismo ético (tales como la creencia de que implica una política reformista o el supuesto de que sea idéntico al “socialismo utópico”), descubrimos que la dicotomía entre el socialismo ético y el socialismo marxista resulta insostenible, al menos en los términos en los que ha sido planteado hasta ahora

Pedagogy and paternalism in Fichte's addresses to the German nation

Os discursos à nação Alemã de Fichte foram considerados durante muito tempo uma importante contribuição para o desenvolvimento do nacionalismo alemão e do pensamento nacionalista em geral. Todavia, embora os discursos continuem sendo lidos como um prenúncio das aspirações nacionalistas alemãs, grande parte de seu conteúdo substantivo é hoje ignorado. Neste artigo, o autor examina um aspecto deveras negligenciado dos discursos, a saber, o "sistema de educação nacional" neles propostos e que merecem séria consideração pelo modo como Fichte concebe e articula o papel e função da intelligentsia em busca de salvação nacional. Argumenta-se de modo especial, que é através da exaltação da educação que Fichte legitima sua proposta de governo por uma elite erudita, um tipo de despotismo esclarecido. Mostra-se ainda que o escopo dos privilégios concedidos aos "eruditos" na reforma educacional de Fichte solapa seu potencial radicalmente igualitarista, e que sua proposta termina por mostrar-se incoerente e inconsistente em seus próprios termos, na medida em que os propósitos explícitos de seu sistema e os resultados prometidos invalidariam completamente, se levados a cabo, a reinvindicação dos esclarecidos de governar, se não a necessidade de tais governante