Kiesgerechtigden met een migratieachtergrond

Voor de aanstaande Tweede Kamerverkiezingen zijn er zo’n twee en een half miljoen kiesgerechtigden met een migratieachtergrond. Dat is bijna 1 op de 5 kiesgerechtigden. Deze groep wordt steeds diverser, hoewel de klassieke migratielanden Suriname en de voormalige Nederlandse Antillen, Marokko en Turkije nog altijd 40 procent van het totaal voor hun rekening nemen

Domain-Dependent National Pride and Support for the Radical Right: Pride in the Nation's History

Populist radical right-wing's rhetoric often includes a reference to the nation's past when everything was supposed to be better. This runs from considered heroic times of the country in terms of war victory and economic grandeur to an idealized past which fits the ideology of nativism, meaning that a homogeneous society is preferred over a multicultural one. In this contribution, we study to what extent voters for the radical right indeed differ from voters of other party families in their pride in the nation's history. We compare this to other forms of domain-dependent national pride. Earlier studies suggested that not only nostalgia differentiates the radical right electorate from others, but that other positive attitudes in relation to the nation may do so as well. Making use of the International Social Survey Program data on national identity, we study domain-dependent national pride across European nations to answer whether it is pride in the nation's history that characterizes radical right voters when accounting for other dimensions of national attitudes

The meanings of tolerance: Discursive usage in a case of ‘identity politics’

The notion of tolerance is widely embraced across many settings and is generally considered critical for the peaceful functioning of plural societies, and within organizations, institutions, and many professions. However, the concept of tolerance has various meanings and can be discursively used in different ways and for different purposes. The various understandings and their usage can have different implications for normative views and real-world decision making. This paper focuses on two main understandings of tolerance and how these are flexibly used in a debate about the case in which a social work student was excluded from further study by an university committee. This case serves as a particular illumination of the broader societal context of ‘cultural wars’ and ‘identity politics’ in which the notion of tolerance features prominently. It is examined how those who did and did not support the university decision deployed in different ways the notion of tolerance. It is concluded that tolerance has different cultural meanings which can be used for various ends in debates about contentious issues and for justifying or criticizing impactful decisions

Antiprejudice norms and ethnic attitudes in preadolescents: A matter of stimulating the “right reasons”

The present study examined the effects of antiprejudice norms on children’s ethnic attitudes by taking their antiprejudice motivations into account. In a sample of 767 native Dutch preadolescents we found evidence for both an internal and an external motivation to be nonprejudiced which were, respectively, positively versus negatively related to children’s out-group attitudes. Overall, children’s norm perceptions were linked to more positive ethnic attitudes, and this relation was partly explained by their internal antiprejudice motivation. Some normative aspects were found be less effective (moral rule to be nice and honest) than others (equality message) by stimulating an external motivation rather than undermining it and stimulating an internal one. Distinguishing between different normative sources further showed that parents and peers were more influential than teachers. Our findings underline the importance of including motivations in research on norms and out-group attitudes

Beyond the isolation thesis: exploring the links between residential concentration and immigrant integration in the Netherlands

Residential concentration is often referred to as an obstacle to the integration of immigrant minorities. Originating from Wilson’s isolation thesis (Wilson, W. J. 1987. The Truly Disadvantaged: The Inner City, the Underclass, and Public Policy. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.), it is assumed that the high ratio of minorities in the neighbourhood decreases chances for social integration, which consequently affects other aspects of integration. This paper provides a comprehensive analysis on the topic by simultaneously examining the links between residential concentration and social, economic and identificational integration outcomes. We perform a quantitative analysis using data from the first wave of The Netherlands Longitudinal Lifecourse Study (NELLS 2009; N = 1,973), which provides a sample of Turkish and Moroccan origin residents in the Netherlands. The results show that a higher ratio of non-Western origin residents is linked to lower likelihood of social relations with natives. While social ties are indeed related to other integration outcomes, living in a more concentrated neighbourhood is not associated with worse integration outcomes in employment, income, and affiliation with Dutch identity. Consequently, we challenge the isolation thesis as a universal model and highlight instead the importance of the quality of relations and the relevance of neighbourhood social context for disadvantaged members of society

Working class economic insecurity and voting for radical right and radical left parties

The radical right's rise is widely assumed to go hand-in-hand with increasing economic insecurity, as manual workers are considered typical radical right voters. We question whether economic insecurity actually drives working class members to vote for radical parties, both right and left. Using European Social Survey data from 12 Western European countries (2002–2014), we tested whether less secure employment links to vote for such parties. We did this by distinguishing people in permanent employment from those in the same social class but not in permanent employment. Our outcome was surprising: whereas perceived job insecurity correlated with radical right voting, actual economic insecurity in terms of temporary employment was not associated with greater likelihood of voting for a radical right party among the working class. Instead, it was the radical left for which we found indications that it appealed more to groups of people in such an insecure economic position