Competition and Combative Advertising: An Historical Analysis

Fred K. Beard (PhD, University of Oklahoma) is a professor of advertising in the Gaylord College of Journalism and Mass Communication, University of Oklahoma. His research interests include comparative advertising, advertising humor, and advertising history. His work has appeared in the Journal of Advertising, the Journal of Advertising Research, the Journal of Business Ethics, the Journal of Business Research, Journalism History, the Journal of Historical Research in Marketing, the Journal of Macromarketing, and the Journal of Marketing Communications, among others.Yeshttps://us.sagepub.com/en-us/nam/manuscript-submission-guideline

“Quid Ukraine’s Strategic Security?” ESF Working Paper No. 24, January, 2007

The collapse of the Orange coalition marked a turning point in Ukraine’s political direction. Although it had previously sought closer ties with the West and key institutions such as NATO and the EU, today it’s foreign policy orientation is less clear. This collection of European Security Forum papers gathers authoritative views on Ukraine’s security outlook, considering its relations with the West and its powerful neighbour, Russia. An in-depth analysis of the political scene is given by Alexander Bogomolov, shedding light on the threats to Ukraine’s democratic development, its NATO debate and the pressing issues of energy supply. In his assessment of Ukraine’s security risks, James Sherr argues that the internal condition of Ukraine (particularly it security and defence institutions) and not its foreign policy is the main factor defining the ‘art of the possible’ in its external relationships. Arkady Moshes underscores the argument that the key to Ukraine’s strategic security is the continuation of internal reforms, holding that its Western partners should do their best to help promote them. Finally, F. Stephen Larrabee considers whether Ukraine will continue to pursue a policy of Euro-Atlantic integration, including eventual membership in NATO, or if Russian influence over Ukraine’s internal and external policies is likely to increase

La Grèce : les nouveaux choix

Greece: the New Choices, by F. Stephen Larrabee The coming up of the PASOK is a new phenomenon in Greek political life. For the first time in post-war Greece a movement comes to power which calls the basic dogmas of the foreign policy of its country into question. Though the PASOK says itself to be socialist and has relations with the other parties of this political family, it has more common points with the populist movements that appeared in Latin America than with the West European socialist parties. While suggesting the withdrawal from NATO for the future, Papandreou showed tactical moderation since the elections. According to him, the Turks and not the Soviets are the main threat for Greek security and he wishes NATO will guarantee the Eastern border of Greece. The main uncertainty in the Greco-American relations is the future of the American bases in Greece. Papandreou wishes them to be transfered out of the Greek territory. More steady towards Turkey, he will insist on the cooperation among the Balkanic states. Given the geographical position of Greece, neutralism is not a feasible choice for its foreign policy. For that reason, Greece should not change its basic orientation towards the West, even after some unavoidable adjustments.La Grèce : les nouveaux choix, par F. Stephen Larrabee L'avènement du PASOK constitue un phénomène nouveau dans la vie politique grecque. Pour la première fois dans la Grèce de l'après-guerre, arrive au pouvoir une formation qui remet en doute les dogmes fondamentaux de la politique étrangère de son pays. Bien que le PASOK se dise socialiste et entretienne des rapports avec les autres partis de cette famille politique, il a plus de points communs avec les formations populistes qui ont fleuri en Amérique latine qu'avec les partis socialistes d'Europe occidentale. Tout en posant les principes d'un retrait de l'OTAN à longue échéance, Papandréou a fait preuve de modération tactique depuis les élections. Pour lui, la menace la plus redoutable pour la sécurité de la Grèce provient des Turcs et non des Soviétiques et il souhaite que l'OTAN garantisse la frontière orientale de la Grèce. L'avenir des bases américaines en Grèce demeure en fait la principale inconnue dans les relations gréco-américaines : Papandréou souhaiterait qu'elles soient transférées hors du territoire grec. Plus ferme à l'égard de la Turquie, il mettra particulièrement l'accent sur la coopération entre pays balkaniques. Etant donné la position géographique de la Grèce, le neutralisme ne représente pas pour les Grecs une option viable en politique étrangère. Aussi l'orientation fondamentale de la Grèce en faveur de l'Occident ne devrait-elle pas être modifiée, en dépit d'ajustements inévitables.Larrabee F. Stephen. La Grèce : les nouveaux choix. In: Politique étrangère, n°4 - 1981 - 46ᵉannée. pp. 891-903

The rise of political Islam in Turkey

As a Muslim-majority country that is also a secular democratic state, a member of NATO, a candidate for membership in the European Union, a long-standing U.S. ally, and the host of Incirlik Air Base (a key hub for logistical support missions in Afghanistan and Iraq), Turkey is pivotal to U.S. and Western security interests in a critical area of the world. It also provides an example of the coexistence of Islam with secular democracy, globalization, and modernity. However, having a ruling party with Islamic roots-the Justice and Development Party (AKP)-within a framework of strict secularism haAngel Rabasa; F. Stephen Larrabee"National Defense Research Institute."Includes bibliographical references (p. 103-113)Electronic reproduction, Boulder, Colo : NetLibrary, 200

NATO Enlargement. ESF Working Paper No. 3, 1 September 2001

No abstract

La politique américaine et la crise yougoslave

US policy and the Yugoslav Crisis, by F. Stephen Larrabee This essay examines US policy toward the crisis in the former Yugoslavia and its implications for Transatlantic relations. The crisis has reinforced a growing scepticism in the United States ahout the role of the United Nations and peacekeeping. This scepticism has hecome even more pronounced since the November Congressional élections in which the Republican party gained control of the Senate and the House of Representatives for the first time in 30 years. The new Republican-dominated Congress is likely to he more unilateralist and sceptical about foreign commitments than the previous one. This will make it much more difficult for the Clinton Administration to forge a bipartisan consensus not just on Bosnia but on many other international issues as well. The crisis has also created serious cracks in the Western Alliance. Despite efforts by the Clinton Administration to paper over these differences, it is clear that the US and its allies do not share the same strategie assessment regarding Bosnia. This pertains to a number of other critical issues related to European security as well, especially the enlargement of NATO. The danger is that the differences over Bosnia could spill over into the debate about NATO expansion and complicate the effort to enlarge NATO.Cet article analyse l'évolution de la politique américaine vis-à-vis de la crise yougoslave, et ses incidences sur les relations entre les Etats-Unis et l'Europe. Cette crise a renforcé le scepticisme croissant, aux Etats-Unis, sur le rôle des Nations Unies dans le maintien de la paix. Ce scepticisme a encore grandi depuis les élections de novembre 1994 au Congrès et le succès des Républicains au Sénat et à la Chambre des représentants, ceci pour la première fois depuis trente ans. Le nouveau Congrès, à dominante républicaine, est bien sûr davantage « unilatéraliste » et réservé vis-à-vis d'un engagement à l'étranger. Cette situation rendra beaucoup plus difficile pour l'Administration Clinton la formation d'un consensus entre les deux parties, non seulement au sujet de la Bosnie, mais également de bien d'autres questions de politique étrangère. La crise a également sérieusement fissuré l'Alliance. Malgré les efforts de l'Administration Clinton pour arranger les choses, il est clair que les Etats-Unis et leurs alliés ne partagent pas la même vision stratégique au sujet de la Bosnie. Ceci n'est qu'un problème parmi d'autres dans le cadre de la sécurité européenne, spécialement l'élargissement de l'OTAN. Le danger est que ces différends concernant la Bosnie aient des répercussions sur le débat à propos de l'extension du mandat de l'OTAN et des efforts à réaliser pour élargir cette organisation.Larrabee F. Stephen, Institut d'études de sécurité de l'UEO. La politique américaine et la crise yougoslave. In: Politique étrangère, n°4 - 1994 - 59ᵉannée. pp. 1041-1055