Prolific domains and the left periphery

The left periphery has enjoyed extensive study over the past years, especially drawn against the framework of Rizzi (1997). It is argued that in this part of the clause, relations are licensed that have direct impact on discourse interpretation and information structure, such as topic, focus, clause type, and the like. I take this line of research up and argue in favour of a split CP on the basis of strictly left-peripheral phenomena across languages. But I also want to link the relation of articulated clause structure, syntactic derivations, and information structure. In particular, I outline the basics of a model of syntactic derivation that makes explicit reference to the interpretive interfaces in a cyclic, dynamic manner. I suggest a return to older stages of generative grammar, at least in spirit, by proposing that clausal derivation stretches over three important areas which I call prolific domains: the part of the clause which licenses argument/thematic relations (V- or θ-domain), the part that licenses agreement/grammatica1 relations (T- or ϕ-domain), and the part that licenses discourse/information-relevant relations (C- or ω-domain). It is thus a rather broad and conceptual notion of "adding" and "omitting" that I am concerned with here, namely licensing of material to relate to information structure, and the desire to find an answer to the question which elements might be added or omitted across languages to establish such links

Clausal tripartition, anti-locality and preliminary considerations of a formal approach to clause types

We will see how it is reasonable to speak of a minimum distance that an element must cross in order to enter into a well-formed movement dependency. In the course of the discussion of this notion of anti-localiry, a theoretical framework unfolds which is compatible with recent thoughts on syntactic computation regarding local economy and phrase structure, as well as the view that certain pronouns are grammatical formatives, rather than fully lexical expressions. The upshot will be that if an element does not move a certain distance, the derivation crashes at PF, unless the lower copy is spelled out as a pronominal element. The framework presented has a number of implications for the study of clause-typing, of which some will be discussed towards the end

"Natural relations" : a note on X'-structure

With the rise of minimalism, many concepts related to the geometrical relations of phrase structure held fast to in earlier approaches have been reconsidered. This article deals with distinguishing (relational and technical) properties of specifiers and adjuncts in a Bare Phrase Structure framework (X'-Theory). I extend specific aspects of X-structure relevant to the discussion of specifiers vs. adjuncts. I argue that unique specifiers can be derived from the system and that adjunction, possibly multiple, results from Direct Merge only. The final product is a series of relationships in line with recent thoughts and minimalist premises, but formally more similar to earlier conceptions of the X'-schema. I address conceptual, empirical and theoretical arguments against multiple specifiers and related issues next, that is beyond the predictions immediately following from the tripartitional view of clause structure proposed in Grohmann (2000). After laying out my motivations to critically consider the issue, I present a set of data that casts serious doubt over the justifications offered to replace Agr with v as the accusative casemarker. Having conceptual and empirical back-up, I then tackle the theoretical validity of specifiers, and ways to distinguish unique specifiers from (multiple) adjuncts. I introduce a version of Bare Phrase Structure that does so, yet keeps the spirit of defining structural identification over relational rather than categorial properties

On predication, derivation and anti-locality

This paper pursues the question what the implications of the Anti-Locality Hypothesis could be for the syntax of secondary predication. Focus of the discussion will be an investigation of what their internal structure of small clause complements must look like, how these small clause complements connect to their matrix environments, and what the relevance could be for the formulation of anti-locality presented here. Anti-locality is defined over a tripartite clause structure (split into three Prolific Domains) and a PF-condition on the computation (the Condition on Domain-Exclusivity). The investigation revolves around two leading questions: (i) does the syntax of small clauses involve more structure than simply [SC DP XP] and (ii) do small clauses constitute their own Prolific Domain (or maybe even more)? The results, affirmative answers to both questions, are also relevant for other types of secondary predication

Embedded Aspect in L2 Acquisition: Evidence from L1 Russian Learners of Greek.

This work investigates first language (L1) influence on the second language (L2) acquisition of aspect, comparing participants with homogeneous L1 background (Russian) in Mainland Greece (L2 Standard Modern Greek) and Cyprus (L2 Cypriot Greek), where verb complementation takes a finite form instead of an infinitival as is possible in Russian. Focus of the experimental study lies on embedded environments, which require only perfective aspect in Greek but allow either perfective or imperfective in Russian. The findings support the Full Transfer/Full Access Hypothesis, according to which aspect is part of Universal Grammar and L2 learners can reach native�‑like attainment due to access to it, while at the initial stage of L2 acquisition transfer from L1 into L2 takes place

Focus on Clefts: A Perspective from Cypriot Greek

Cypriot Greek (CG) differs from Standard Modern Greek (SMG) in many interesting ways, even in the realm of grammar (morphosyntax). This paper investigates one such difference, namely the syntax of focus. It is argued that CG focus constructions exhibit an underlying clefting structure. This is put into perspective with both SMG (which lacks clefts altogether) and English (in particular, it-clefts). A novel analysis is proposed for the derivation of clefting structures — at least for English-like it-clefts and CG focus clefts: CG focused expressions are sideward moved into an underlying predicational cleft structure, analogously to English it-clefts as argued

The road to PF

This paper addresses the path from the syntactic derivation to the phonological output Phonetic Form. Within a dynamic model of the computation, this issue arises once the operation Spell Out is taken into consideration. The main thrust of this contribution is, aside from laying out a possible implementation of dynamics in syntax, to formally dissociate the operation Transfer from Spell Out. Within the dynamic model adopted, each Prolific Domain is a point at which Transfer applies; successive Transferring of structure then yields a single phonological structure to be Spelled Out (after additional morpho-phonological operations have taken place, which are not discussed)