Objektiv kartleggingsmetode i en rekrutteringsprosess: Fører objektiv kartleggingsmetode til økt mangfold og vil den forebygge diskriminering?

Denne bacheloroppgaven er skrevet rundt problemstillingen: ”Fører en objektiv kartleggingsmetode til økt mangfold og vil den virke forbyggende mot diskriminering?” Motivasjonen for denne oppgaven lå bak valg av tema som var vår interesse for et inkluderende arbeidsmiljø. Samtidig ser vi et stadig økende samfunnsansvar for organisasjoner som rekrutterer. Dette for å bidra til en større grad av inkludering og integrering av innvandrere. Oppgaven sentrerer seg rundt hvordan en objektiv kartleggingsmetode vil føre til økt mangfold og virke forebyggende mot diskriminering. I og med at det kan være ulike holdninger som er utslagsgivende i en rekrutteringsprosess avgrenset vi ved å benytte rapporten ”Diskrimineringens omfang og årsaker” som teoretisk utgangspunkt for oppgaven. Denne gav oss en nødvendig ramme rundt undersøkelsen. Vi benyttet oss av en kvalitativ metode for å gjennomføre oppgaven. Dette var fordi vi hadde et behov om å gå i dybden og finne tilstrekkelig med informasjon enn hva en kvantitativ metode kunne dekke. Vi gjennomførte 5 semistrukturerte dybdeintervjuer med personer som jobber med rekruttering for en varehandelkjede i Norge. Vår undersøkelse viser at en objektiv kartleggingsmetode vil i en utvelgelsesprosess føre til mangfold, og vi avdekket også flere ulike holdninger som kan forekomme senere i rekrutteringsprosessen. Vi fant i tillegg flere faktorer som ikke var avdekket i vårt teoretiske grunnlag vi brukte som utgangspunkt for vårt arbeid. Vårt hovedfunn er at en objektiv kartleggingsmetode vil invitere etniske minoriteter til å ta del i det norske arbeidslivet. I tillegg til at det kan føre til konsekvenser for kandidaten i form av at en rekrutterer kan legge til grunn for subjektive holdninger i prosessen videre

Environmental governance in a contested state:the influence of European Union and other external actors on energy sector regulation in Kosovo

This article examines environmental governance in Kosovo, with a particular focus on the energy sector. The article considers the degree to which the emerging model of environmental governance is characterised by hierarchical and non-hierarchical modes of coordination. We examine the roles of a number of domestic institutions and actors – ministries, agencies, and regulatory bodies– and the influence of external actors, including the EU, the US, and Serbia. The EU is building Kosovo’s own hierarchical governance capacity by strengthening domestic institutions, whilst the US focuses primarily on market liberalization, whilst simultaneously supporting EU efforts. Moreover, environmental policy change is not wholly or predominantly driven by domestic actors, which can partly be attributed to Kosovo’s limited domestic sovereignty. We conclude that the emerging model of environmental governance in Kosovo is characterized by a weak hierarchy, partly as a result of external actor involvement, which disincentivises the government from responding to domestic non-state actor pressure

Relapse in resected lung cancer revisited: does intensified follow up really matter? A prospective study

<p>Abstract</p> <p>Background</p> <p>beside the well known predominance of distant vs. loco-regional relapse, several aspects of the relapse pattern still have not been fully elucidated.</p> <p>Methods</p> <p>prospective, controlled study on 88 patients operated for non-small cell lung cancer (NSCLC) in a 15 months period. Stage IIIA existed in 35(39.8%) patients, whilst stages IB, IIA and IIB existed in 10.2%, 4.5% and 45.5% patients respectively. Inclusion criteria: stage I-IIIA, complete resection, systematic lymphadenectomy with at least 6 lymph node groups examined, no neoadjuvant therapy, exact data of all aspects of relapse, exact data about the outcome of the treatment.</p> <p>Results</p> <p>postoperative lung cancer relapse occurred in 50(56.8%) patients. Locoregional, distant and both types of relapse occurred in 26%, 70% and 4% patients respectively. Postoperative cancer relapse occurred in 27/35(77.1%) pts. in the stage IIIA and in 21/40(52.55) pts in the stage IIB. In none of four pts. in the stage IIA cancer relapse occurred, unlike 22.22% pts. with relapse in the stage IB. The mean disease free interval in the analysed group was 34.38 ± 3.26 months.</p> <p>The mean local relapse free and distant relapse free intervals were 55 ± 3.32 and 41.62 ± 3.47 months respectively Among 30 pts. with the relapse onset inside the first 12 month after the lung resection, in 20(66.6%) pts. either T3 tumours or N2 lesions existed. In patients with N0, N1 and N2 lesions, cancer relapse occurred in 30%, 55.6% and 70.8% patients respectively</p> <p>Radiographic aspect T stage, N stage and extent of resection were found as significant in terms of survival. Related to the relapse occurrence, although radiographic aspect and extent of resection followed the same trend as in the survival analysis, only T stage and N stage were found as significant in the same sense as for survival. On multivariate, only T and N stage were found as significant in terms of survival.</p> <p>Specific oncological treatment of relapse was possible in 27/50(54%) patients.</p> <p>Conclusion</p> <p>the intensified follow up did not increase either the proportion of patients detected with asymptomatic relapse or the number of patients with specific oncological treatment of relapse.</p

Hidden politics of power and governmentality in transitional justice and peacebuilding:The problem of ‘bringing the local back in’

This paper examines ‘the local’ in peacebuilding by examining how ‘local’ transitional justice projects can become spaces of power inequalities. The paper argues that focusing on how ‘the local’ contests or interacts with ‘the international’ in peacebuilding and post-conflict contexts obscures contestations and power relations amongst different local actors, and how inequalities and power asymmetries can be entrenched and reproduced through internationally funded local projects. The paper argues that externally funded projects aimed at emancipating ‘locals’ entrench inequalities and create local elites that become complicit in governing the conduct and participation of other less empowered ‘locals’. The paper thus proposes that specific local actors—often those in charge of externally funded peacebuilding projects—should also be conceptualised as governing agents: able to discipline and regulate other local actors’ voices and their agency, and thus (re)construct ideas about what ‘the local’ is, or is not

A tale of two cognitions: The Evolution of Social Constructivism in International Relations

Abstract Constructivism in International Relations (IR) is popular, but constructivists seem disappointed. Allegedly something has been lost. Such criticisms are misplaced. There was never a uniform Constructivism. Since constructivism is socially constructed, to argue that constructivism has evolved “wrongly” is odd. This paper explains the dissatisfaction with constructivism followed by a second reading of its evolution as a tale of two cognitions. These two cognitions distinguish genera in the constructivist “family”. A criticism against one genus based on the cognition of the other is unfair. A focus on cognitions and the use of genera helps in perceiving constructivism’s future evolution

Remembrance, Public Narratives, and Obstacles to Justice in the Western Balkans

Twenty years since the onset of the traumatic wars of Yugoslav secession, the countries of the Western Balkans continue to nurture narratives of the past that are mutually exclusive, contradictory, and irreconcilable. The troubling ways in which states in the region remember their pasts provide continuing obstacles in the search for acknowledgment and justice. In this essay, I develop an argument for understanding the relationship between justice and remembrance of the past. To illustrate this relationship, I explore ways in which education and memorialization projects contribute to justice efforts. I critically analyze a few ongoing education and memory projects in the region, and then present alternative ideas on mechanisms of public memory that would be more conducive to building the foundational blocks of justice based on trust, respect, and dignity