Thule

Numerous place names in Greenland are beset with some confusion, and Thule is possibly the most nonspecific of them all. An attempt has been made in the following paper, therefore, to set out some of the various meanings which have been attached to the word

Uradyn E. Bulag: Nationalism and Hybridity in Mongolia: Anmeldes af Rolf Gilberg

Anmeldes af Rolf Gilber

The Polar Eskimo population, Thule District, North Greenland.

The Polar Eskimo society developed during the 20th Century from a small, self-sufficient hunting society into a large, primarily hunting society dependent on supplies from the outside world. As a result of outside influences, in the 1950's and 1960's the Polar Eskimo population doubled from three hundred to over six hundred individuals. Diagrams and tables included in this paper give a to some extent detailed picture of the changes which took place, and the development of the Polar Eskimo population from 1893 to 1973 is treated in some detail. Special attention is given to developments in 1969.The Polar Eskimo society developed during the 20th Century from a small, self-sufficient hunting society into a large, primarily hunting society dependent on supplies from the outside world. As a result of outside influences, in the 1950's and 1960's the Polar Eskimo population doubled from three hundred to over six hundred individuals. Diagrams and tables included in this paper give a to some extent detailed picture of the changes which took place, and the development of the Polar Eskimo population from 1893 to 1973 is treated in some detail. Special attention is given to developments in 1969.The Polar Eskimo society developed during the 20th Century from a small, self-sufficient hunting society into a large, primarily hunting society dependent on supplies from the outside world. As a result of outside influences, in the 1950's and 1960's the Polar Eskimo population doubled from three hundred to over six hundred individuals. Diagrams and tables included in this paper give a to some extent detailed picture of the changes which took place, and the development of the Polar Eskimo population from 1893 to 1973 is treated in some detail. Special attention is given to developments in 1969

Polar Eskimo Genealogy.

For half a century information on the genealogy of the Polar Eskimos has been collected from all possible sources by the authors. In this way the Polar Eskimo Genealogy, presented here, goes back 6-7 generations in several cases from December 31, 1973 to the middle of the nineteenth century. In order to store this huge amount of genealogical information and to be able to follow the kinship relations a special family diagram combined with a code system has been developed. The main part of this article is made up of 630 family diagrams containing the genealogical data for each Polar Eskimo nuclear family separately, in such a way that family relationships can easily be followed in all directions. An explanation to the code system is found in front of the family diagrams. Polar Eskimo genetical and anthropological data (collected in 1963) are given in tables in four appendices: (A) Polar Eskimo Blood Groups. (B) Polar Eskimo Finger- and Palmprints. (C) Polar Eskimo Eye and Earlobe data. (D) Polar Eskimo anthropometrical data. The code system makes it possible to use the genealogy and the genetical markers together.For half a century information on the genealogy of the Polar Eskimos has been collected from all possible sources by the authors. In this way the Polar Eskimo Genealogy, presented here, goes back 6-7 generations in several cases from December 31, 1973 to the middle of the nineteenth century. In order to store this huge amount of genealogical information and to be able to follow the kinship relations a special family diagram combined with a code system has been developed. The main part of this article is made up of 630 family diagrams containing the genealogical data for each Polar Eskimo nuclear family separately, in such a way that family relationships can easily be followed in all directions. An explanation to the code system is found in front of the family diagrams. Polar Eskimo genetical and anthropological data (collected in 1963) are given in tables in four appendices: (A) Polar Eskimo Blood Groups. (B) Polar Eskimo Finger- and Palmprints. (C) Polar Eskimo Eye and Earlobe data. (D) Polar Eskimo anthropometrical data. The code system makes it possible to use the genealogy and the genetical markers together.For half a century information on the genealogy of the Polar Eskimos has been collected from all possible sources by the authors. In this way the Polar Eskimo Genealogy, presented here, goes back 6-7 generations in several cases from December 31, 1973 to the middle of the nineteenth century. In order to store this huge amount of genealogical information and to be able to follow the kinship relations a special family diagram combined with a code system has been developed. The main part of this article is made up of 630 family diagrams containing the genealogical data for each Polar Eskimo nuclear family separately, in such a way that family relationships can easily be followed in all directions. An explanation to the code system is found in front of the family diagrams. Polar Eskimo genetical and anthropological data (collected in 1963) are given in tables in four appendices: (A) Polar Eskimo Blood Groups. (B) Polar Eskimo Finger- and Palmprints. (C) Polar Eskimo Eye and Earlobe data. (D) Polar Eskimo anthropometrical data. The code system makes it possible to use the genealogy and the genetical markers together

Hvem ejer museumsgenstandene?

Who owns the museum objects? The paper «Who owns the museum objects?» focuses on who actually decides when and how museum objects are used and in what context. Often it is the curators who decide the meaning of a certain museum object, but not always. Problems caused by management, the economy and the safety of the object might limit the way the curator wants to handle it.

AT SAMLE ELLER IKKE AT SAMLE

Some people collect because they cannot stop doing so; it is a kind of disease. Other people collect because they have been requested to do so. The pathological collector collects more for the sport of it than for the results. Therefore, the (p) collector will make stringent rules for the sport, so it will not be too easy for newcomers. But collecting is not enough; the collection has to be organized in a proper way. The result of the requested (r) collection depends on the collector’s background and understanding of the matter at hand. The cultural, historic value of a collection can be measured by the amount of information that is added to the objects in the collection. A collection with little or no information on the objects has really low value seen from a cultural, historic point of view. But a p-collector may overlook that fact as long as the objects fulfil the collector’s criteria for making additions to the collection. &nbsp

Comparison of the environmental properties of parasiticides and harmonisation of the basis for environmental assessment at the EU level

Parasiticides are veterinary pharmaceuticals very frequently used in pasture animals. Particularly substances of the classes of avermectins and milbemycins are very common. These substances are highly toxic to non-target organisms, often stable in the environment (persistent) and may potentially accumulative in organisms. The present project contributes to filling environmental data gaps for avermectins and milbemycins. In addition, risk management strategies for parasiticides used in pasture animals were evaluated with regard to their efficacy and practicability reducing the risk to dung or soil organisms