Origins and Outcomes of Electoral Institutions in African Hybrid Regimes: A Comparative Perspective

In the early 1990s most African countries carried out extensive reforms of their electoral regimes. Adopting a historical institutionalist approach, this paper critically examines the role of institutional path dependence in accounting for the setup of six African electoral regimes. For this purpose, we distinguish between different types of path dependence. The paper further analyzes the extent to which the development of electoral institutions contributed to the regime-type outcome (democratic/hybrid/autocratic). The main emphasis herein is on so-called hybrid regimes; in other words, regimes existing in the grey zone between democracy and autocracy. The paper finds that, while institutional path dependence has a limited but important impact on the setup of the electoral regimes, it is ultimately the process of decision-making during critical junctures that accounts for the regime type outcome. Hybrid regimes lack long-term institutional ownership

À propos de travaux récents sur la mission Voulet-Chanoine

The doings of the Voulet-Chanoine mission were denounced principally because the African victims were, due to an erroneous appréciation of the local political situation, considered to be French subjects. In fact, the difficultes encountered by the mission were due, first, to the determined resistance of the Africans ; and second, to changes on the political-diplomatic scene, changes which induced the government to withdraw its support. The mission 's tragic end and the assassination of Klobb lent credit to the thesis that Voulet and Chanoine were mad and ensured that there would be no muckracking.Les agissements de la mission Voulet-Chanoine furent dénoncés principalement parce qu'ils étaient dirigés contre des Africains considérés, à la suite d'un malentendu, comme des sujets français. En fait, les difficultés rencontrées par la mission s'expliquent d'abord par la résistance acharnée que les Africains lui opposèrent et ensuite par l'évolution rapide de la situation politico-diplomatique. Cette évolution incita le gouvernement à lâcher la mission. La fin tragique de celle-ci, ainsi que l'assassinat de Klobb, rendirent crédible la thèse de la folie de Voulet et de Chanoine, ce qui permit au gouvernement d'entériner l'affaire sans autre procédure.Fuglestad Finn. À propos de travaux récents sur la mission Voulet-Chanoine. In: Revue française d'histoire d'outre-mer, tome 67, n°246-247, 1er et 2e trimestres 1980. pp. 73-87

Les Hauka. Une interprétation historique

F. Fuglestad — The Hauka: A Historical Interprétation. Description of the genesis of the hauka spirit cuit in the late twenties and comparison with the modem forms of the bori and holey cuits, which use the same kind of mimicry of the colonial and post-colonial institutions. The early hauka movement is seen as a defence mechanism invented by a stable society threatened by a crisis, while the modem forms have rather an integrative function in a disrupted society.Fuglestad Finn. Les Hauka. Une interprétation historique. In: Cahiers d'études africaines, vol. 15, n°58, 1975. pp. 203-216

L'histoire coloniale de la France revisitée. A propos de publications récentes

Fuglestad Finn. L'histoire coloniale de la France revisitée. A propos de publications récentes . In: Revue du monde musulman et de la Méditerranée, n°63-64, 1992. Minorités religieuses dans l'Espagne médiévale. pp. 257-268

Hamani (Djibo) : Contribution à l'étude de l'histoire des États hausa. L 'Adar précolonial (République du Niger)

Fuglestad Finn. Hamani (Djibo) : Contribution à l'étude de l'histoire des États hausa. L 'Adar précolonial (République du Niger). In: Revue française d'histoire d'outre-mer, tome 65, n°241, 4e trimestre 1978. p. 611

Les révoltes des Touareg du Niger (1916-17).

F. Fuglestad — The Rebellions of the Twareg of Niger Colony, 1916-1917. Analysis of the causes and circumstances of these rebellions. French colonisation and its administrative methods were strongly grievous to Twareg interests and ways of life. Not only did the onset of W.W.I. resuit in the French losing the support of the sedentary, non-Twareg tribes, due to conscription and réquisition, but it also facilitated the spread of Senusiya propaganda wich was succesful among the Twareg for political rather than religious reasons. The western rébellion was crushed to a large extent due to the fact that the Twareg of amenokal Firhun were not supported by the sedentary tribes. In the North-East and in Aïr the situation was much more difficult for the French who were besieged more than 3 months on Agades. The pacification went on till 1931.Fuglestad Finn. Les révoltes des Touareg du Niger (1916-17).. In: Cahiers d'études africaines, vol. 13, n°49, 1973. pp. 82-120

La grande famine de 1931 dans l'Ouest : réflexions autour d'une catastrophe naturelle

An invasion of locusts and, to a lesser extent, drought, were the main reasons for the 1931 famine in Western Niger. The French administration, to a certain extent out of touch with the country, remained inactive, and only became conscious of the gravity of the situation once it was too late. It is also possible that the administrative system under way (indigenat forced labour, military service, etc.), whilst depriving the agricultural sector of part of its manpower in the height of the season, contributed to the outbreak of the crisis and added to its deterioration. The damage done by the famine is impossible to evaluate with précision. The population appears to hâve been reduced by 25 to 50 %. However, the various tribes were not ail affected to the same extent. The Mawri, the Sudie and the Fulani stood up to the great famine of 1931 better than the Zerma-Sonrai who may be considered the main victims. The reason lies within the Zerma-Sonrai society itself : warlike and aristocratie, they despise manual labour. Finally, the famine marked a turning point in French administrative policy. Before then, almost exclusively preoccupied by the problem of keeping order, government action after 1931 was to be based on that of producing sufficient food.Une sécheresse relative et surtout une invasion de sauterelles sont à de la grande famine qui ravagea l'Ouest nigérien en 1931. L'administration française, partiellement coupée du pays, demeura inactive, et ne prit conscience de la gravité de la situation qu'au moment où il était déjà trop tard. Il est d'autre part probable que le système administratif en vigueur (indigénat, travaux forcés, obligations militaires, etc.), en privant le secteur agricole d'une partie de sa main-d'œuvre, pendant la saison des cultures, ait contribué à l'éclatement et surtout à l'aggravation de la crise. Il est impossible d'évaluer exactement les dégâts causés par la famine. La diminution de la population aurait été de l'ordre de 25 à 50 %. Cependant, les différents groupes ethniques ont été inégalement touchés. Les Mawri, Soudié et Peuls le furent beaucoup moins que les Zerma/Sonraï, qui peuvent être considérés comme les principales victimes de la grande famine de 1931. La cause en est la société même des Zerma/Sonraï, guerrière et aristocratique, qui méprise le travail manuel. Finalement, la famine marqua un tournant dans la politique de l'administration française. Jusqu'alors presque exclusivement préoccupée de l'ordre, son action à partir de 1931 fut conditionnée par le problème de la sécurité alimentaire.Fuglestad Finn. La grande famine de 1931 dans l'Ouest : réflexions autour d'une catastrophe naturelle. In: Revue française d'histoire d'outre-mer, tome 61, n°222, 1er trimestre 1974. pp. 18-33