Nationalism, militarism and masculinity in post-2003 Cyprus

This thesis addresses the relationship between Greek Cypriot nationalism, militarism and masculinity following the opening of the borders in Cyprus between North and South in 2003. Drawing upon empirical research conducted in Cyprus in 2011, the thesis argues that there is an integral relation between nationalism, militarism and masculinity and that since the opening of the borders, there has been a re-constitution of this relationship. In the re-constitution of this relationship what appears as the weakening of each component is illustrated to be an adapted reiteration of its co-constitution under new social and political parameters. This adapted reiteration is a continuation of the Greek Cypriot perceived nationalist militarist masculinist stance of power in the conflict situation against ‘occupation’ and explains, amongst other post – 2003 nationalist, militarist and masculinist reiterations, as to why the opening of the borders has not helped in the bringing together of the two communities. On the contrary, in fact, in some cases the adapted reiterations have helped new divisions to emerge. The research reveals that the inextricability of masculinity in this three-fold co-constitutive relationship is significant in the adapted reiteration of an identity, which exists beneath the politically symbolic or institutional level – and is hindering the process of reconciliation. It is argued that despite there being a shifting away of the hegemonic masculinity of men from the national struggle, and thus also the conscription service, towards a transnational entrepreneurial masculinity, there remains a broader masculinist discourse in this co-constitutive relationship, which I name in this thesis as nationalist militarised masculinity. This is significant because it is a discourse that is integral to this Greek Cypriot nationalist militarist masculinist stance, with its adapted reiterations, that creates obstacles for reconciliation. The results of this thesis highlight the necessity of addressing the co-constitution of nationalism, militarism and masculinity in Cyprus and likewise in other post-armed conflict societies

Multi-communal security force for united Cyprus

The purpose of this article is to present the concept of the ‘Multi-Communal Security Force’ and key considerations for future policy design on the issue in Cyprus. The complex political situation is constitutive of heavy military presence of six armies: the Greek Cypriot National Guard, the Hellenic Force of Cyprus, the Turkish Cypriot Security Forces Command, the Turkish Armed Forces in Northern Cyprus, the British Forces of Cyprus, and the United Nations Peacekeeping Force in Cyprus. Changes made to this ‘defence-setting’ will result out of significant peace developments at the political level. Such changes will inevitably touch deeply the sense of ontological security of the two Cypriot communities. The concept of Multi-Communal Security Force (MCSF) is developed out of (1) comparative analysis with other post-conflict societies – South Africa and Lebanon – who successfully shared military power by integrating former antagonist groups. I also built on reflections from previous (2) empirical research on militarism, masculinity and nationalism in Cyprus, (3) policy work for the Cyprus Ministry of Defense, and (4) for the Northern Ireland Human Rights Commission, as well as from (5) evaluation and assessment of the defence institutions of Cyprus with Transparency International. Today, the plans for whether united Cyprus will have an army or not – and what form that army will take – remain unclear. Therefore, this article provides early-stage policy indications for the MultiCommunal Security Force. If following the peace negotiations it is decided that an army will be established, it will be significant to inform policy-makers through well-researched policy recommendations of the practical as well as cultural arrangements that would position the army as an exemplary model of peace and effective co-existence. In doing so, I propose for the current armies of the two Cypriot communities to be integrated into a force that cares about security for all

Militarism in post-war Cyprus: the development of the ideology of defence

This article provides a theorisation of militarism in post-war Cyprus. Based on qualitative empirical research conducted in Cyprus in 2011, the article explores the manifestation and steadfastness of GreekCypriot militarism, and the development of this militarism, which appeared after the partition of the island in 1974. In particular, it proposes the ideology of defence as a way to understand postwar Greek-Cypriot militarism. It shows the embedded nature of defence in the idea of the national struggle. It aims at mapping the character of this militarism in order to provide the grounds for future discussion. Only by understanding the interconnecting discourses that made Greek-Cypriot militarism possible in post-war Cyprus, can we understand its past, present, and future

Army and society: positive motivations for enlistment

This report, conducted for the Cyprus Ministry of Defence, describes detailed research on draft-dodging and recommends policy on enlistment, based on the understanding of positive motivation. The principal objectives of the study were (a) to determine the structure of reasons that lead to draft evasion, to then (b) propose policies for positive motivation that address isolate factors by building a new structure of reasoning for enlistment today, in a way (c) that prepares the nexus of discourses in society to then accept enlisting by choice in the future professional force

Derry/Londonderry report on upholding the right to human rights to culture in post-conflict societies

This report was based on research commissioned by the Northern Ireland Human Rights Commission in 2013. It provides an overview of critique of relevant international standards addressing cultural rights; identifies examples of good practice and areas were problems have arisen and uses the City/Londonderry City of Culture 2013 designation as a case-study of the opportunities and challenges in relation to the realisation of the right to culture in post-conflict and divided societies

The Derry/Londonderry report on upholding the human right to culture in post-conflict societies

The Northern Ireland Human Rights Commission (the Commission) is mandated as a national human rights institution to uphold all of the human rights in the international human rights treaties. These include the right to culture. However, the Commission has found that little attention has been paid to cultural rights in human rights discourse. In particular, the promotion and protection of cultural rights in societies emerging from conflict is a neglected area. Little guidance exists for States, cultural stakeholders and such human rights actors as national human rights institutions as to how best to uphold cultural rights in such contexts. This gap is of particular concern for the promotion of cultural rights in Northern Ireland, a society that is emerging from decades of conflict. It is in order to redress this gap in literature and policy guidance that the Commission is publishing the present report. The report is set against the backdrop of the designation of Derry/Londonderry as UK City of Culture 2013. The experience of that city as City of Culture is used as a case study in relation to the realisation of cultural rights in a post-conflict society. As part of the UK City of Culture initiative, the Commission organised a conference and consultation on cultural rights in divided and post-conflict societies in association with the University of Ulster and in co-operation with the UN Special Rapporteur in the Field of Cultural Rights, Ms Farida Shaheed. This event took place in Derry/Londonderry from 1 to 3 July 2013 and the discussions that took place informed the finalisation of the current report as well as the attached recommendations

Masculinity and Institutional identity in South Cyprus - the case of `I do not forget¿

This paper explores Greek-Cypriot masculinity through the lens of 'I do not forget' and was triggered by personal experiences with educational and military institutions in South Cyprus. The aim is to put forward a theoretical framework enabling a better understanding of Cypriot conflict identities, using an enquiry into institutionalised identities. The iconic image of the mother of the missing persons is mobilised in understanding the inter-constitution of post-war Greek-Cypriot nationalism as based on explicit notions of victimhood, in which the military assumes a key role in ensuring national survival. Through a discussion of two chosen institutions as examples schools and military I highlight that gender discourses have played a vital role in the construction of these specific institutional identities. I am using the evolution of the above slogan to mobilise the idea of identity being transmitted and crystallised through interinstitutional dialogues. 'I do not forget' comes to be seen as operating through meticulous institutional support of constructions of national identity, mobilised through gender. The military takes up some of these impulses and constructs specific militarist masculinities

How changing discourses on borders and masculinity leads to the intensification of draft evasion

This study explores the vast intensification of ‘draft-dodging’ by looking at changes in attitudes towards the border and masculinity. Based on interviews conducted in 2011 and content analysis of newspaper coverage of military service and ‘draft-dodging’ in Cyprus between 2011 and 2019, this study shows that draft-dodging can intensify in the context of changing discourses on borders and masculinity. In particular, the opening of internal borders, the enlargement of borders to the European Union, and the shifting of the locus point of the conflict from inland to the maritime boundaries are the three border changes in Cyprus that contributed to draft evasion. Moreover, the emerging ‘Euro-Cypriot’ hegemonic masculinity maintains a weak relationship with the military. Through the case study of Cyprus, this article illustrates that paying attention to changing notions of border-related security and the reconfigured hegemonic masculinity will shed light on the model of public security and offer implications for draft evasion. The findings from post-conflict Cyprus can help understand draft evasion in Western and post-conflict societies

`Nationalism and masculinity in post- 2003 Cyprus¿

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“Review of ‘Decolonizing Development’”

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