SCoRE - Sub-national Context and Radical Right Support in Europe

The data for the research project SCORE – Sub-national Context and Radical Right Support in Europe was collected in 2017. The research project focuses on analysing the causes and effects of sub-national differences in support for the radical right in Germany with the aim of improving the existing patterns. The survey evaluated opinions and attitudes on a range of topics, including Euroscepticism, right-wing populism, attitudes towards Islam, globalisation, political identification and participation. The dataset was collected as part of the German component of the transnational project Sub-National Context and Radical Right Support in Europe (SCoRE), which involves France, Germany, the Netherlands and the United Kingdom. The online survey was conducted by infratest dimap (N=25976). Further information can be found at: https://www.score.uni-mainz.de/Right-left political self-assessment; satisfaction with local politics; interest in politics; understanding of politics and political effectiveness; far-right/populist attitudes; scepticism towards the European Union (EU), attitudes towards EU membership; perceived cultural threat from immigration; increase in crime due to immigration; perceived economic threat from immigration; threat to welfare state due to immigration; party voting; authoritarian attitudes; prejudices against Islam; conservative attitudes and values; traditional gender roles, homosexuality; perception of ethnic diversity in neighbourhood; Intergroup contact, contact with ethnic minority groups in everyday life, relationship with these groups, integration of ethnically diverse groups in circle of friends and family; party identification; economic right-left assessment; attitudes towards globalisation; welfare chauvinism; media consumption, news; relative deprivation; life satisfaction; Moreno scale (attachment to place of residence, region, federal state, country, EU); Housing situation; distance between place of birth and current place of residence; infrastructure and environmental aspects; local disintegration; perception of changes in the neighbourhood; feeling of regional exclusion, segregation, marginalisation; voluntary work; political participation; turnout and voting behaviour in the last federal election. Demographics: gender; year of birth; age; education; employment; occupational status; federal state; nationality; place of birth; parents´ place of birth; religious affiliation. Additionally coded: Interrogator (device).Die (Online-)Umfragedaten des Forschungsprojekts ´SCORE - Sub-national Context and Radical Right Support in Europe´ wurden im Jahr 2017 erhoben. Die Untersuchung konzentriert sich auf die Analyse der Ursachen und Auswirkungen subnationaler Unterschiede hinsichtlich der Unterstützung für die radikale Rechte in Deutschland. Im Rahmen der Umfrage wurden Meinungen und Einstellungen zu einer Reihe von Themen erfragt, darunter Euroskeptizismus, Rechtspopulismus, Einstellungen zum Islam, Globalisierung sowie politische Identifikation und Partizipation. Der Datensatz wurde als deutsche Komponente des länderübergreifenden Projekts ´Sub-National Context and Radical Right Support in Europe (SCoRE)´ erhoben, an dem Frankreich, Deutschland, die Niederlande und das Vereinigte Königreich beteiligt sind. Die Online-Umfrage wurde von infratest dimap durchgeführt (N=25976). Für weitere Informationen besuchen Sie: https://www.score.uni-mainz.de/Politische Rechts-Links Selbsteinschätzung; Zufriedenheit mit lokaler Politik; Politikinteresse; Politikverständnis und politische Wirksamkeit; rechtsextreme/-populistische Einstellungen; Skepsis gegenüber Europäischer Union (EU), Einstellungen zur EU-Mitgliedschaft; kulturelle Bedrohungswahrnehmung durch Zuwanderung; Kriminalität durch Zuwanderung; ökonomische Bedrohungswahrnehmung durch Zuwanderung; Bedrohung des Sozialstaats durch Zuwanderung; Parteiwahl; autoritaristische Einstellungen; Vorurteile gegenüber dem Islam; konservative Einstellungen und Werte; traditionelle Geschelchterrollenverhältnisse, Homosexualität; Wahrnehmung ethnischer Vielfalt im Wohngebiet; Intergruppenkontakt, Kontakt zu ethnischen Minderheitsgruppen im Alltag, Beziehung zu diesen Gruppen, Integration ethnisch diverser Gruppen in Freundeskreis und Familie; Parteidentifikation; ökonomische Rechts-Linkseinschätzung; Einstellungen zur Globalisierung; Wohlfahrtschauvinismus; Medienkonsum, Nachrichten; relative Deprivation; Lebenszufriedenheit; Moreno-Skala (Verbundenheit mit Wohnort, Region, Bundesland, Land, EU); Wohnsituation, Entfernung Geburtsort und aktueller Wohnort, Infrastruktur und ökologische Aspekte, lokale Desintegration, Wahrnehmung eines Wandels in der Nachbarschaft, Gefühl der regionalen Ausgrenzung, Segregation, Marginalisierung; Ehrenamt; politische Partizipation; Wahlbeteiligung und Wahlverhalten bei der letzten Bundestagswahl. Demographie: Geschlecht; Geburtsjahr; Alter; Schulbildung; Erwerbstätigkeit; berufliche Stellung; Bundesland; Staatsangehörigkeit; Geburtsort; Geburtsort Eltern; religiöse Zugehörigkeit. Zusätzlich verkodet wurde: Abfragegerät (Device)

SCoRE - Sub-national Context and Radical Right Support in Europe - Geo-referenced Data

The data for the research project SCORE – Sub-national Context and Radical Right Support in Europe was collected in 2017. The research project focuses on analysing the causes and effects of sub-national differences in support for the radical right in Germany with the aim of improving the existing patterns. The survey evaluated opinions and attitudes on a range of topics, including Euroscepticism, right-wing populism, attitudes towards Islam, globalisation, political identification and participation. The dataset was collected as part of the German component of the transnational project Sub-National Context and Radical Right Support in Europe (SCoRE), which involves France, Germany, the Netherlands and the United Kingdom. The online survey was conducted by infratest dimap (N=25976). Another aim of the survey is to analyse the data at a small-scale regional level. To this end, the datasets were categorised into a regional structure during data processing. Based on the respondents´ address data, geocodes (meridians and parallel arcs) were assigned to each data set using the offline software Map&Market premium. The data records were located within a regional radius defined by the Federal Statistical Office on the basis of the previously determined geocodes. For this purpose, a number of 362,000 grid cells with a size of one square kilometre were used. Grid cells in which the number of respondents was less than six were aggregated to avoid the possibility of re-identification. In accordance with the provisions of the German Data Protection Act, address data and survey data were kept separate at all times during the process and all process steps were supervised by infratest dimap´s data protection officer. In particular, data protection was ensured by mapping addresses and geocodes completely offline. The sample was adjusted to the demographic structures of the universe derived from official statistics. The current population extrapolation and the current “Mikrozensus” of the Federal Statistical Office were used as the data basis. Population distributions are generally adjusted for regional criteria such as Nielsen regions and municipality size classes (BIK10), as well as region (East/West), age groups, gender and educational attainment. Further information can be found at: https://www.score.uni-mainz.de/Right-left political self-assessment; satisfaction with local politics; interest in politics; understanding of politics and political effectiveness; far-right/populist attitudes; scepticism towards the European Union (EU), attitudes towards EU membership; perceived cultural threat from immigration; increase in crime due to immigration; perceived economic threat from immigration; threat to welfare state due to immigration; party voting; authoritarian attitudes; prejudices against Islam; conservative attitudes and values; traditional gender roles, homosexuality; perception of ethnic diversity in neighbourhood; Intergroup contact, contact with ethnic minority groups in everyday life, relationship with these groups, integration of ethnically diverse groups in circle of friends and family; party identification; economic right-left assessment; attitudes towards globalisation; welfare chauvinism; media consumption, news; relative deprivation; life satisfaction; Moreno scale (attachment to place of residence, region, federal state, country, EU); Housing situation; distance between place of birth and current place of residence; infrastructure and environmental aspects; local disintegration; perception of changes in the neighbourhood; feeling of regional exclusion, segregation, marginalisation; voluntary work; political participation; turnout and voting behaviour in the last federal election. Demographics: gender; year of birth; age; education; employment; occupational status; federal state; nationality; place of birth; parents´ place of birth; religious affiliation. Georeferenced data: Data were located within a regional radius provided by the Federal Statistical Office using geocodes (grid cells). Additionally coded: Interrogator (device).Die (Online-)Umfragedaten des Forschungsprojekts ´SCORE - Sub-national Context and Radical Right Support in Europe´ wurden im Jahr 2017 erhoben. Die Untersuchung konzentriert sich auf die Analyse der Ursachen und Auswirkungen subnationaler Unterschiede hinsichtlich der Unterstützung für die radikale Rechte in Deutschland. Im Rahmen der Umfrage wurden Meinungen und Einstellungen zu einer Reihe von Themen erfragt, darunter Euroskeptizismus, Rechtspopulismus, Einstellungen zum Islam, Globalisierung sowie politische Identifikation und Partizipation. Der Datensatz wurde als deutsche Komponente des länderübergreifenden Projekts ´Sub-National Context and Radical Right Support in Europe (SCoRE)´ erhoben, an dem Frankreich, Deutschland, die Niederlande und das Vereinigte Königreich beteiligt sind. Die Online-Umfrage wurde von infratest dimap durchgeführt (N=25976). Um eine Analyse auf kleinräumiger regionaler Ebene zu ermöglichen, wurde dem Datensatz, basierend auf den Adressdaten der Befragten, mit Hilfe der Offline-Software Map&Market premium Geocodes (Meridiane und Parallelbögen) zugeordnet. Die Georeferenzierung erfolgte innerhalb eines vom Statistischen Bundesamt vorgegebenen regionalen Radius. Dazu wurde eine Anzahl von 362.000 Rasterzellen mit einer Größe von einem Quadratkilometer verwendet. Rasterzellen, in denen die Anzahl der Befragten unter sechs lag, wurden aggregiert, um die Möglichkeit einer Re-Identifizierung zu verringern. Gemäß den Bestimmungen des deutschen Datenschutzrechts wurden Adressdaten und Befragungsdaten zu jedem Zeitpunkt des Prozesses getrennt gehalten und alle Prozessschritte durch die Datenschutzbeauftragten von infratest dimap begleitet. Der Datenschutz wurde insbesondere durch die vollständige Offline-Darstellung von Adress- und Geocodes gewährleistet. Die Stichprobe wurde an die aus der amtlichen Statistik abgeleiteten demografischen Strukturen der deutschen Grundgesamtheit angepasst. Als Datengrundlage wurden die seinerzeit aktuelle Bevölkerungsfortschreibung sowie der aktuelle Mikrozensus des Statistischen Bundesamtes herangezogen. Die Bevölkerungsverteilungen wurden den regionalen Kriterien wie den Nielsen-Regionen und Gemeindegrößenklassen (BIK10) sowie nach Region (Ost/West), Altersgruppen, Geschlecht und Schulbildung angepasst. Für weiterführende Informationen besuchen Sie: https://www.score.uni-mainz.de/Politische Rechts-Links Selbsteinschätzung; Zufriedenheit mit lokaler Politik; Politikinteresse; Politikverständnis und politische Wirksamkeit; rechtsextreme/-populistische Einstellungen; Skepsis gegenüber Europäischer Union (EU), Einstellungen zur EU-Mitgliedschaft; kulturelle Bedrohungswahrnehmung durch Zuwanderung; Kriminalität durch Zuwanderung; ökonomische Bedrohungswahrnehmung durch Zuwanderung; Bedrohung des Sozialstaats durch Zuwanderung; Parteiwahl; autoritaristische Einstellungen; Vorurteile gegenüber dem Islam; konservative Einstellungen und Werte; traditionelle Geschelchterrollenverhältnisse, Homosexualität; Wahrnehmung ethnischer Vielfalt im Wohngebiet; Intergruppenkontakt, Kontakt zu ethnischen Minderheitsgruppen im Alltag, Beziehung zu diesen Gruppen, Integration ethnisch diverser Gruppen in Freundeskreis und Familie; Parteidentifikation; ökonomische Rechts-Linkseinschätzung; Einstellungen zur Globalisierung; Wohlfahrtschauvinismus; Medienkonsum, Nachrichten; relative Deprivation; Lebenszufriedenheit; Moreno-Skala (Verbundenheit mit Wohnort, Region, Bundesland, Land, EU); Wohnsituation, Entfernung Geburtsort und aktueller Wohnort, Infrastruktur und ökologische Aspekte, lokale Desintegration, Wahrnehmung eines Wandels in der Nachbarschaft, Gefühl der regionalen Ausgrenzung, Segregation, Marginalisierung; Ehrenamt; politische Partizipation; Wahlbeteiligung und Wahlverhalten bei der letzten Bundestagswahl. Demographie: Geschlecht; Geburtsjahr; Alter; Schulbildung; Erwerbstätigkeit; berufliche Stellung; Bundesland; Staatsangehörigkeit; Geburtsort; Geburtsort Eltern; religiöse Zugehörigkeit. Georeferenzierte Daten: Anhand von Geo-Codes wurden die Daten innerhalb eines vom Statistischen Bundesamt zur Verfügung gestellten regionalen Radius verortet (Rasterzellen). Zusätzlich verkodet wurde: Abfragegerät (Device)

Contextual perceived group threat and radical right-wing populist party preferences: Evidence from Switzerland

Existing studies suggest that perceived group threat is an important influence on radical right-wing populist party preferences. However, most have focused on perceived group threat at the individual level, overlooking the ideological climate. I examine how an ideological climate of group threat perception as a contextual factor can shape individual preferences for radical right-wing populist party preferences. I argue that above and beyond personal perceived group threat, the prevalence of local perceived group threat exerts a normative influence on personal preferences. Using voting preferences for the Swiss People’s Party, I employ multilevel structural equation modeling to examine the theoretical model. I find clear evidence for a contextual effect of perceived group threat on individual-level Swiss People’s Party preferences

The two dimensions of narcissistic personality and support for the radical right: the role of right‐wing authoritarianism, social dominance orientation and anti‐immigrant sentiment

This paper offers an explanation of the link between grandiose narcissism and support for radical right parties. Drawing on representative data of the GESIS Panel (N = 2827), focusing on support for the German radical right populist party Alternative for Germany in 2016 and treating grandiose narcissism as a two‐dimensional concept, it is shown that the effects of grandiose narcissism are indirect rather than direct. The paper also reveals that it is mainly narcissistic rivalry that accounts for radical right party support, whereas narcissistic admiration has a protecting relationship. Finally, our results indicate that the indirect effects of narcissistic rivalry on radical right party support via right‐wing authoritarianism and social dominance orientation, respectively, are mediated by anti‐immigrant sentiment. All in all, our results suggest that in studies on ideological orientations and voting behaviour, both dimensions of grandiose narcissism should be considered due to their contradictory relationship. Moreover, our findings indicate that the success of radical right parties might be the expression of personality dispositions of some parts of the electorate. © 2020 The Authors. European Journal of Personality published by John Wiley & Sons Ltd on behalf of European Association of Personality Psycholog

Economic conditions and populist radical right voting:The role of issue salience

In this article, we show with the European Election Study from nine Western European countries that issue salience of the economy and immigration contributes to our understanding of the puzzling relation between economic conditions and populist radical right support. In countries with relatively weak or worsening economic conditions, the economy is considered more salient, whereas immigration loses salience – also compared to other issues. Voters who perceive the economy as most important problem are less likely to opt for the populist radical right than people who perceive immigration or even other issues as most important. Populist radical right parties appear to not only win votes on the immigration issue, they also lose votes on the economic issue. Finally, in contrast to actual economic conditions, negative perceptions of the economy increases populist radical right voting, despite stronger salience of the economy and partly due to stronger salience of immigration compared to other issues

Economic conditions and populist radical right voting: The role of issue salience

In this article, we show with the European Election Study from nine Western European countries that issue salience of the economy and immigration contributes to our understanding of the puzzling relation between economic conditions and populist radical right support. In countries with relatively weak or worsening economic conditions, the economy is considered more salient, whereas immigration loses salience – also compared to other issues. Voters who perceive the economy as most important problem are less likely to opt for the populist radical right than people who perceive immigration or even other issues as most important. Populist radical right parties appear to not only win votes on the immigration issue, they also lose votes on the economic issue. Finally, in contrast to actual economic conditions, negative perceptions of the economy increases populist radical right voting, despite stronger salience of the economy and partly due to stronger salience of immigration compared to other issues