14 research outputs found

    Decolonising the Discourse on Resilience

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    This article presents a discursive critique of the Eurocentric paradigms of knowledge production that characterise much of the underlying logics in the age of neoliberal discourses on resilience, pointing out important areas not given sufficient attention. In particular, it highlights the limits of the modernist ontology of resilience, whereby extremely ā€œvulnerableā€ African communities are encouraged ā€œto become resilientā€ to climatic disruption and environmental catastrophe and to ā€œbounce backā€ as rapidly as possible. The article moves the discussion forward, drawing from critical decolonial approaches, in alignment with Indigenous knowledges, to question and rethink meaningful alternative ontologies, ways of knowing and being, in adaptive governance. I argue that the recognition of the plurality of many worlds, rather than one world, highlighted through critical decolonial understandings of epistemic forms with Indigenous knowledges, can be counterposed to Western universality as an innovative ontology to decentre the world order in the problematic dominant development of resilience thinking. Keywords: resilience; decolonisation; Africa; epistemology; pluriverse; Indigeneit

    The Politics of Trade Disputes in the Fourth Republic: The Case of Ghana and Nigeria

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    The relationship between Ghana and Nigeria over the years can be described as oscillatory because of the occasional twist and turn. Notably, a trade dispute was one of the challenges that marred the relationship between the two countries. Historically, trade disputes emerged in the 1930s as a result of the cocoa hold-up crisis in 1932, and this led to the call by the National Crusade for the protection of Ghanaian enterprises to expel foreign traders, predominantly Nigerians. This phenomenon continued during Busia's regime, where he expelled a large number of Nigerian traders through the Aliens Compliance Order in 1969. Buhari's regime also responded in 1983-85 by expelling over one million Ghanaians from Nigeria for economic and trade reasons. In 2012, the government of Ghana employed a contingent economic policy that led to the closure of many Nigerian shops. Moreover, the closure of the Nigerian land borders on Ghana and other trading partners revived the trade tension between the two countries, where Ghanaians retaliated with other draconian policies. The intermittent trade disputes between the two countries triggered the quest of the researchers to assess the fundamental driving forces of the impasse, identify the politico-economic ramifications of the disputes on both countries and provide some recommendations to deal with the problem. Relevant related literature was reviewed thematically, and International Regime Theory was used to underpin the research. The study used a qualitative research approach to gather in-depth data from respondents through interviews and observations. Thematic analysis was used as an approach for data interpretation and discussion. The relevant literature and the findings revealed that the inconsistencies of ECOWAS protocols with the national trade policies, the use of protectionist economic policies such as the "prohibited goods" policy by Nigeria against Ghana, and the implementation of the GIPC Act 2013 (865), Nigeriaā€™s border closure, and lockdown of Nigerian retail shops in Ghana were some of the fundamental driving forces of the trade disputes between the countries in the fourth republic. Economically, the occasional trade disturbances led to the loss of capital and revenue for traders from both sides. Notwithstanding these challenges, there was an initiative by both governments to find a lasting solution to the menace. The research concluded with some recommendations for policy and praxis. Keywords: Trade Dispute, ECOWAS Protocols, Traders Association, West Africa, Fourth Republic DOI: 10.7176/JESD/14-10-07 Publication date:May 31st 202

    Understanding neoliberalism as governmentality:a case study of the IMF and World Bank structural adjustment regime in Ghana

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    In this thesis, I critically interrogate power relations that underlie practices, techniques and rationalities of contemporary forms of governance represented by the governing strategy of structural adjustment framework devised by the Bretton Woods institutionsā€” especially the IMF and the World Bank. Far from being a technique of coercion and domination, the thesis demonstrates that structural adjustment framework represents a differing modality of global power that attempts to discursively legitimise external interventions through the imposition of neoliberal economic agenda. I show that structural adjustment policies are carefully constructed neoliberal rationalities of governing through which donors seek to transform the government of Ghana into a self-disciplined neoliberal subject that must behave in an appropriately competitive fashion that is congruent with the ethos of market rationality. I draw on Michel Foucaultā€™s nuanced conceptualisation of governmentality, a form of productive and relational power working through individualsā€™ subjectivities particularly as it coexists with the disciplinary rationale of power, and extend it to the relation between the IMF and the World Bank and the government of Ghana. I analyse how these interactions are embedded within a discursive formation and concrete practices which establish certain views of ā€˜a problemā€™ and mobilise particular authoritative actors, techniques and forms of truth as solutions. I also explore how over the decades the IMF and the World Bank through the modalities of conditionality associated with structural adjustment have sought to govern, remake and regulate the economic, political and social institutions of recipient States. In closing, and by way of illustration, I also examine ā€˜non-complianceā€™ as one possibility into what Foucault has termed ā€˜counter-conductā€™ through which subjects undermine and challenge governmental forms of power. This being said, within the structural adjustment discourse, there remains, I would be inclined to argue, repressive and dominant forms of power. This thesis, contributes to the contemporary scholarship on governmentality to deepen and re-evaluate the distinctiveness of power relations in the example of the IMF and the World Bank adjustment programmes in Ghana

    The neoliberal challenge: Of critical reā€“reading of social and political thought of Friedrich Hayek, and of the intellectual history of neoliberalism.

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    In the history of modern liberal political thought the work of Friedrich Hayek stands out as one of the most significant contributions to liberal theory since J. S. Mill. This article provides a deep re-reading and engagement with key neoliberal texts from Friedrich Hayek and the development of understandings regarding the ā€˜ā€˜spontaneous orderingā€™ā€™ mechanisms of the market and the appreciation of the need for states to govern for the market rather than merely to withdraw from responsibility. My intention is to bring some analytical clarity to the so-called incongruity and some of the ā€˜ā€˜blind-spotsā€™ā€™ of neoliberal thought, but also to show why it makes such an important contribution to contemporary political theory. Doing so will, I suspect, expose the blurring lines that seemingly exist within the neoliberal intellectual project to describe some recent trends in our contemporary economic and political thoughts by illustrating the views and particularly the thinking of Friedrich Hayek. I conclude by reflecting upon the implications of these findings for the scholarly study of contemporary neoliberal political theorie

    Probing SARS-CoV-2-positive plasma to identify potential factors correlating with mild COVID-19 in Ghana, West Africa.

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    BACKGROUND: West Africa has recorded a relatively higher proportion of asymptomatic coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) cases than the rest of the world, and West Africa-specific host factors could play a role in this discrepancy. Here, we assessed the association between COVID-19 severity among Ghanaians with their immune profiles and ABO blood groups. METHODS: Plasma samples were obtained from Ghanaians PCR-confirmed severe acute respiratory syndrome coronavirus 2 (SARS-CoV-2)-positive individuals. The participants were categorized into symptomatic and asymptomatic cases. Cytokine profiling and antibody quantification were performed using Luminexā„¢ multiplex assay whereas antigen-driven agglutination assay was used to assess the ABO blood groups. Immune profile levels between symptomatic and asymptomatic groups were compared using the two-tailed Mann-Whitney U test. Multiple comparisons of cytokine levels among and between days were tested using Kruskal-Wallis with Dunn's post hoc test. Correlations within ABO blood grouping (O's and non-O's) and between cytokines were determined using Spearman correlations. Logistic regression analysis was performed to assess the association of various cytokines with asymptomatic phenotype. RESULTS: There was a trend linking blood group O to reduced disease severity, but this association was not statistically significant. Generally, symptomatic patients displayed significantly (pĀ <ā€‰0.05) higher cytokine levels compared to asymptomatic cases with exception of Eotaxin, which was positively associated with asymptomatic cases. There were also significant (pĀ <ā€‰0.05) associations between other immune markers (IL-6, IL-8 and IL-1Ra) and disease severity. Cytokines' clustering patterns differ between symptomatic and asymptomatic cases. We observed a steady decrease in the concentration of most cytokines over time, while anti-SARS-CoV-2 antibody levels were stable for at least a month, regardless of the COVID-19 status. CONCLUSIONS: The findings suggest that genetic background and pre-existing immune response patterns may in part shape the nature of the symptomatic response against COVID-19 in a West African population. This study offers clear directions to be explored further in larger studies
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