7 research outputs found

    Distorting mirror: Formation of party political sphere on social media in Finland

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    In this dissertation, I assess interaction in social media as a novel mode of political participation and ask how are party politics extended within the social media public sphere in Finland during the 2010s. In this research, I evaluate the formation of the social media political sphere by analyzing the party–political, demographic, and ideological standings from which the sphere is produced and accessed, and how these factors are reconstructing social structures and orders on social media platforms. This dissertation concentrates on the six largest parties in Finland, namely the Social Democratic Party, the Finns Party, the National Coalition Party, the Center Party, the Green League, and the Left Alliance. By combining theoretical perspectives from a variety of academic fields, such as sociology, political science, social psychology, and economic sociology, the dissertation attempts to produce nuanced understandings of social, ideological, and party-political origins of digital participation and other topical phenomena, such as political polarization and spread of hate speech, in the Finnish political context. In addition to a theoretical introduction, the dissertation comprises five research articles that cross-expose the party-related political actions on social media platforms from different perspectives. Articles I and II form temporal and structural frames for understanding the evolution of the social media political sphere in Finland. In Article I, we investigate the current state of and recent changes in access to social media, as well as the utilization of social media platforms for various purposes by the Finnish population. The social mechanisms that guide the formation of the social structure of the social media sphere are evaluated in Article II. In the following articles, we provide a more nuanced understanding of the formation of the social media political sphere. In Article III, we evaluate the state of the social media political sphere by assessing social media participation among party supporter groups in the Finnish political field and contribute to the discussion on the effects of party supporters’ sociodemographic background and value-based premises on social media participation. In Articles IV and V, social media participation is understood as an explanatory mechanism associated with party supporters’ behavioral tendencies on social media and affective aspects of party members’ commitment to their parties. The research contributes novel knowledge related to political participation in social media and the formation of the political sphere in Finland during the 2010s. In the dissertation, I propose that political discussions in social media could be understood as a political activity through which participants can modify the public opinion by raising ideological aims and desires within the public sphere. The research illuminates how social structures and ideological aims both accelerate and attenuate political activity in the social media political sphere. In addition, the research shows how social structures and ideological stances are reflected in the structures of social media networks. Results of the dissertation also indicate that the social media political sphere emphasizes the visibility of the new identity parties, namely the Finns Party, the Green League, and the Left Alliance. Accordingly, the results infer that political discussions related to post-material and neo-conservative issues are highlighted on social media, which is especially reflected in the pronounced activity of the new identity parties’ supporters and members within both the social media sphere and political parties.-- Väitöstutkimus käsittelee sosiaalisessa mediassa käytävää keskustelua uudenlaisena yhteiskunnallisen osallistumisen muotona ja kysyy, miten puoluepolitiikka välittyy sosiaalisen median tilaan 2010-luvun Suomessa. Tutkimus lähestyy sosiaalista mediaa politiikan tilana keskittyen jäljittämään, mistä sosiaalisista ja ideologisista lähtökohdista tilaan liitytään, mistä lähtökohdista tilaa täytetään sekä miten nämä lähtökohdat vaikuttavat tilan sosiaaliseen rakenteeseen ja järjestykseen. Tutkimus nojaa politiikan sosiologiseen, politologiseen, sosiaalipsykologiseen sekä taloussosiologiseen teoriaan ja yhdistelee uudella tavalla eri kentillä käytyjä tieteellisiä keskusteluja. Siten tutkimus monipuolistaa nykyistä ymmärrystä digitaalisesta osallistumisesta ja auttaa hahmottamaan sosiaalisen median ajankohtaisten ilmiöiden – kuten muun muassa kuplaantumisen, polarisaation ja vihapuheen – taustalla piileviä yhteiskunnallisia rakenteita, puoluelähtöisiä eroja sekä ideologisia kannusteita. Johdanto- ja yhteenveto-osuuden lisäksi tutkimus sisältää viisi tutkimusartikkelia, joissa sosiaalisen median kautta tapahtuvaa poliittista osallistumista ja puolueiden edellytyksiä sosiaalisen median julkisessa tilassa tarkastellaan erilaisia näkökulmia ja aineistoja hyödyntäen. Väitöstutkimuksen kaksi ensimmäistä artikkelia muodostavat ajallisen ja rakenteellisen kehyksen sosiaalisen media tilan muodostumisen ymmärtämiselle. Ensimmäisessä artikkelissa tarkastelemme sosiaalisen median käytön väestöryhmäkohtaisia eroja sekä ajallisia muutoksia 2010-luvun Suomessa. Toisessa artikkelissa puolestaan tutkimme sosiaalisen median verkostojen muodostumiseen liittyviä sosiaalisia ja poliittisia mekanismeja. Väitöstutkimuksen kolmannessa, neljännessä sekä viidennessä artikkelissa paneudumme yksityiskohtaisemmin sosiaalisessa mediassa tapahtuvaan poliittiseen toimintaan. Kolmannessa artikkelissa tutkimme, miten suomalaisten puolueiden kannattajat käyttävät sosiaalista mediaa poliittisiin tarkoituksiin sekä miten kannattajaryhmien sosiodemografinen tausta ja poliittiset asenteet vaikuttavat sosiaalisessa mediassa tapahtuvaan poliittiseen osallistumiseen. Neljännessä ja viidennessä artikkelissa sosiaalisen median poliittista osallistumista lähestytään selittävänä toimintana, joka on yhteydessä niin puoluekannattajien sosiaalisen median toiminta- ja käyttäytymistapoihin kuin puoluejäsenten kokemaan puoluesitoutumiseen. Käsillä oleva väitöstutkimus tuottaa uutta empiiristä tietoa sosiaalisessa mediassa tapahtuvasta poliittisesta osallistumisesta ja (puolue)poliittisen tilan muodostumisesta 2010-luvun Suomessa. Tutkimuksessa esitän, että sosiaalisessa mediassa tapahtuva yhteiskunnallisten aiheiden kommentointi ja niihin liittyvä keskustelu voidaan ymmärtää politiikan tekemisenä, jossa keskusteluun osallistumalla muokataan sosiaalisen median julkista tilaa ja nostetaan ideologisia tavoitteita suuremman yleisön nähtäville. Tutkimus valottaa, miten sosiaaliset rakenteet ja ideologiset asenteet yhtäältä kannustavat ja toisaalta vaimentavat suomalaisten osallistumista sosiaalisessa mediassa. Samoin tutkimus osoittaa, miten sosiaaliset rakenteet ja ideologiset tavoitteet heijastuvat sosiaalisen median käyttäjien sosiaalisiin verkostoihin. Sosiaalisten rakenteiden sekä ideologisten asenteiden merkityksellisyydestä johtuen sosiaaliseen mediaan muotoutuva poliittinen tila korostaa erityisesti uusien identiteettipuolueiden – eli perussuomalaisten, vihreiden ja vasemmistoliiton – tavoitteiden näkyvyyttä julkisessa keskustelussa sekä näiden puolueiden asemaa suomalaisella poliittisella kentällä. Samoin tutkimus antaa viitteitä siitä, miten sosiaalisessa mediassa tapahtuva poliittinen keskustelu kärjistyy erityisesti postmaterialististen sekä uuskonservatismisten ryhmien välillä, mikä osaltaan heijastuu uusien identiteettipuolueiden kannattajien ja jäsenten toimintaan sekä sosiaalisessa mediassa että poliittisissa puolueissa

    Social Networks, Political Discussion and Voting in Italy: A Study of the 2006 Election

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    This article analyzes the role of interpersonal discussion networks and television as the key mediators of political information that can potentially drive citizens’ electoral choices. The research relies on survey data of Italian voters in the aftermath of the 2006 general election. Findings show that the partisan intensity of discussion networks significantly affects the vote, so that citizens embedded in homogeneous partisan networks are more influenced than those who discuss politics within heterogeneous networks that do not uniformly support a unified political position. The effects of television news programs and talk shows turn out to be comparatively smaller than those of interpersonal networks, but are still significant for those programs and formats that attract politically diverse audiences. We interpret this result as a consequence of the increasing relevance of selective exposure in the Italian electorate, which has largely been documented by previous research. Thus, while the effects of interpersonal discussion networks seem to depend on the degree of their partisan intensity, the impact of television seems to be enhanced, in the Italian context, by a program’s ability to present itself as less openly biased than most of the competitors, thus failing to elicit selective exposure by the viewers. The main implication of this study is that interpersonal communication has a remarkable influence on citizens’ choices, and it should be studied together with mass communication, as they both constitute crucial components of voters’ information environments, although their effects depend on partially different factors

    SNSs and deliberative governance in a polarised society : the role of WhatsApp groups in Kenyan counties

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    Kenya has experienced polarisation that has sometimes resulted in conflict. As a remedy, the Kenyan constitution, reviewed in 2010, and other legislation prescribes deliberative governance as one of the solutions to polarisation in sub-national Kenyan counties. The legislation mandates counties to use the mainstream and social media platforms for deliberative governance to promote national cohesion and integration. This study examines the growing use of WhatsApp groups for such deliberations. It is based on the proposition that the outcomes of deliberative governance and its impact on polarisation depends on the quality of deliberation and, in particular, on the platform’s (WhatsApp’s), structure and norms. The deliberative norms analysed here are based on the Habermasian model of tolerance, inclusivity, diversity, incivility, and heterogeneity of viewpoints, whilst the deliberative structure examines WhatsApp group’s affordances and composition. Based on these propositions, this study empirically explores the impact of deliberative governance on polarisation in WhatsApp group platforms in four Kenyan counties. Guided by a critical realism paradigm, the study uses an original mixed-methods approach involving a quantitative (online survey) and qualitative (WhatsApp-based focus group discussion). The study revealed that the socio-demographic profile of WhatsApp groups participants is predominantly young males with high educational attainment, similar to other SNSs participatory platforms. The research also suggests that achieving deliberative norms such as civility, tolerance, and inclusivity is challenging in WhatsApp groups. Therefore, the quality of deliberations in WhatsApp groups falls short of the Habermasian deliberative ideals, and this has worsened because WhatsApp has enhanced the sharing of stereotypes, misinformation, and conflict frames which have aggravated polarisation. Consequently, deliberations in WhatsApp groups have further augmented polarisation around county governance issues. Regarding the deliberative structure, the study proposes that the platform’s affordance, the composition of participants, the information sources, and the discussion topics in WhatsApp groups affect the quality of deliberations and polarisation. Additionally, this study makes a significant contribution by using an fresh, integrated methodological approach based on WhatsApp’s affordances for data collection and analysis

    Transforming Urban Food Systems in Secondary Cities in Africa

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    Countries across Africa are rapidly transitioning from rural to urban societies. The UN projects that 60% of people living in Africa will be in urban areas by 2050, with the urban population on the continent tripling over the next 50 years. The challenge of building inclusive and sustainable cities in the context of rapid urbanization is arguably the critical development issue of the 21st Century and creating food secure cities is key to promoting health, prosperity, equity, and ecological sustainability. The expansion of Africa’s urban population is taking place largely in secondary cities: these are broadly defined as cities with fewer than half a million people that are not national political or economic centres. The implications of secondary urbanization have recently been described by the Cities Alliance as “a real knowledge gap”, requiring much additional research not least because it poses new intellectual challenges for academic researchers and governance challenges for policy-makers. International researchers coming from multiple points of view including food studies, urban studies, and sustainability studies, are starting to heed the call for further research into the implications for food security of rapidly growing secondary cities in Africa. This book will combine this research and feature comparable case studies, intersecting trends, and shed light on broad concepts including governance, sustainability, health, economic development, and inclusivity. This is an open access book

    Transforming Urban Food Systems in Secondary Cities in Africa

    Get PDF
    Countries across Africa are rapidly transitioning from rural to urban societies. The UN projects that 60% of people living in Africa will be in urban areas by 2050, with the urban population on the continent tripling over the next 50 years. The challenge of building inclusive and sustainable cities in the context of rapid urbanization is arguably the critical development issue of the 21st Century and creating food secure cities is key to promoting health, prosperity, equity, and ecological sustainability. The expansion of Africa’s urban population is taking place largely in secondary cities: these are broadly defined as cities with fewer than half a million people that are not national political or economic centres. The implications of secondary urbanization have recently been described by the Cities Alliance as “a real knowledge gap”, requiring much additional research not least because it poses new intellectual challenges for academic researchers and governance challenges for policy-makers. International researchers coming from multiple points of view including food studies, urban studies, and sustainability studies, are starting to heed the call for further research into the implications for food security of rapidly growing secondary cities in Africa. This book will combine this research and feature comparable case studies, intersecting trends, and shed light on broad concepts including governance, sustainability, health, economic development, and inclusivity. This is an open access book

    Aphra Behn and Susanna Centlivre: A Materialist-Feminist Study.

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    Only with the fairly recent advent of Women\u27s Studies have attempts been made to rediscover neglected works by female authors. This dissertation examines the works of English playwrights Aphra Behn (1640-1689) and Susanna Centlivre (1669-1723) and the uniquely female perception of the Restoration and early eighteenth century they have left us. Both women wrote intrigue comedies, among other genres, within a generation of each other. Each made arranged marriage for profit and the suffering it caused women the primary object of her criticism and satire. But while the women shared a sex, nationality and vocation, not to mention a preoccupation with the rights of women, there are significant differences in the way each handled the same elements. This study focuses on those differences in four areas: themes and conventions, gender issues, portrayal of the same character types and morality. After pinpointing the disparities using their plays as primary evidence, a materialist-feminist methodology is utilized to explore the biographies of Behn and Centlivre and the eras in which they wrote. This exploration attempts to show how dissimilarities in both account for the differences between the two canons. Since Behn was the first Englishwoman to make a living by writing plays, and Centlivre the most important female playwright in England until the twentieth century, the study also documents the evolution of the female playwright in England until women turned to the novel as their primary means of expression. The conclusion of this work is that while superficially it appears that Behn and Centlivre trod the same thematic path, important differences exist in their themes and how they treat them. These disparities can be attributed to the women\u27s different lifestyles and the evolution of England from a quasi-medieval state to a capitalistic, constitutional monarchy
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