69 research outputs found

    A contrast-based account of word-final tensing

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    Some languages allow tense and lax vowels to contrast before word-final consonants but not word-finally, where only tense vowels are permitted. What is the motivation for this pattern? This paper proposes that the loss of vowel-duration contrasts in word-final positions is a phonetic precursor to word-final tensing. In languages where tense and lax vowels differ both spectrally and temporally, neutralization of duration contrasts in word-final positions results in tense-lax pairs differing only spectrally. If this spectral difference is not sufficient to support a phonemic contrast, the tense-lax contrast is neutralized altogether. The preference for tense vowels in case of neutralization can be explained as a preference for more distinct vowel contrasts in the F1xF2 space. Evidence for this account comes from an acoustic study of Swiss French showing that, although tense-lax contrasts are maintained both before word-final consonants and word-finally in this variety, they are signaled by temporal cues only before word-final consonants. While Dispersion-Theoretic analyses of vowel inventories tend to focus on F1 and F2, the present analysis suggests that distinctiveness along both spectral and temporal dimensions is relevant to understand the typology of phonological patterns

    Machine Assisted Analysis of Vowel Length Contrasts in Wolof

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    Growing digital archives and improving algorithms for automatic analysis of text and speech create new research opportunities for fundamental research in phonetics. Such empirical approaches allow statistical evaluation of a much larger set of hypothesis about phonetic variation and its conditioning factors (among them geographical / dialectal variants). This paper illustrates this vision and proposes to challenge automatic methods for the analysis of a not easily observable phenomenon: vowel length contrast. We focus on Wolof, an under-resourced language from Sub-Saharan Africa. In particular, we propose multiple features to make a fine evaluation of the degree of length contrast under different factors such as: read vs semi spontaneous speech ; standard vs dialectal Wolof. Our measures made fully automatically on more than 20k vowel tokens show that our proposed features can highlight different degrees of contrast for each vowel considered. We notably show that contrast is weaker in semi-spontaneous speech and in a non standard semi-spontaneous dialect.Comment: Accepted to Interspeech 201

    Incomplete Neutralization in Japanese Monomoraic Lengthening

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    Incomplete neutralization (IN) (Port et al. 1981, Fourakis & Iverson 1984, Port & O'Dell 1985) refers to cases in which two underlyingly distinct segments become nearly identical on the surface. IN has posed a challenge for traditional views of the phonetics-phonology interface. While classical modular feedforward architectures (e.g. Chomsky & Halle 1968, BermĂșdez-Otero 2007) generally do not allow underlying phonological representations to directly affect phonetic realization, incompletely neutralized contrasts show subphonemic distinctions on the surface that can only be inferred from the underlying representations. We show that the combination of two independently motivated theoretical mechanisms – paradigm uniformity (Benua 1997, Steriade 2000) and weighted phonetic constraints (Legendre et al. 1990, Zsiga 2000, Flemming 2001, Pater 2009) – automatically account for the IN patterns

    Are focus and givenness prosodically marked in Kinyarwanda and Rwandan English?

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    In this paper, we are interested in whether systematic variations in pitch, intensity and duration can be observed as a function of the focused or discourse-given status of a constituent in Kinyarwanda (Bantu JD61), and a relatively recent variety of “New English” in contact with this Bantu language. Kinyarwanda is a tone language, in which the information-structural notion of focus has been reported to be expressed through changes in word order, with focus appearing clause-finally (Kimyeni 1988, Ndayiragije 1999, Ngoboka 2016). In contrast, Standard English is well-known for the prosodic boost associated with narrowly focused words and the prosodic reduction of post-focal items. Cross-linguistically, the prosodic expression of focus and givenness is progressively becoming considered a marked feature. Zerbian (2015) predicts that it should not be found in a second language (L2), or a contact variety, if it is not already present in the first language of a speaker or a group of speakers. Our study finds no evidence that information focus, exhaustive focus or givenness systematically affect the prosody of Kinyarwanda. We also find no systematic effect of information structure in the variety of English spoken by our Rwandan participants, confirming that this is probably an area of English that is difficult to acquire

    Phonetic and phonological considerations on the moraic status of pre-NC vowels in Bemba

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    The pre-NC vowel in many Bantu languages, among which Bemba, is generally understood to be long. In Bemba, where there is also a vowel length contrast, this raises the question whether the pre-NC vowel is phonetically as long as lexical long vowels and how phonologized this length might be. This paper presents an evaluation of whether the pre-NC vowel is monomoraic or bimoraic by considering both phonetic and phonological evidence. The findings are mixed but lean towards a monomoraic treatment of the pre-NC vowel based on some segmental and tonal evidence. One set of tonal data, however, show variation in moraicity, presenting a mixed picture that we conclude emanates from the intermediate length of the pre-NC vowel and the nuanced interpretation this entails in phonology

    Are focus and givenness prosodically marked in Kinyarwanda and Rwandan English?

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    This paper concentrates on whether systematic variations in pitch, intensity, and duration can be observed as a function of the focused or discourse-given status of a constituent in Kinyarwanda (Guthrie code JD.61), and a relatively recent variety of “New English” in contact with this Bantu language. Kinyarwanda is a tone language, in which the information-structural notion of focus has been reported to be expressed through changes in word order, with focus appearing clause-finally (Kimenyi 1988, Ndayiragije 1999, Ngoboka 2016). In contrast, Standard English is well-known for the prosodic boost associated with narrowly focused words and the prosodic reduction of post-focal items. Crosslinguistically, the prosodic expression of focus and givenness is progressively being considered a marked feature. Zerbian (2015a) predicts that it should not be found in a second language or a contact variety if it is not already present in the first language of a speaker or a group of speakers. Our study finds no evidence that information focus, exhaustive focus, or givenness systematically affect the prosody of Kinyarwanda. We also find no systematic effect of information structure in the variety of English spoken by our Rwandan participants, confirming that this is probably an area of English that is difficult to acquire

    The representation of features and relations in non-linear phonology

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    Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Linguistics and Philosophy, 1986.MICROFICHE COPY AVAILABLE IN ARCHIVES AND HUMANITIES.Bibliography: leaves 315-322.by Elizabeth Caroline Sagey.Ph.D

    Predictions on markedness and feature resilience in loanword adaptation

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    Normalement, un emprunt est adaptĂ© afin que ses Ă©lĂ©ments Ă©trangers s’intĂšgrent au systĂšme phonologique de la langue emprunteuse. Certains auteurs (cf. Miao 2005; Steriade 2001b, 2009) ont soutenu que, lors de l’adaptation d’une consonne, les traits de maniĂšre d’articulation sont plus rĂ©sistants au changement que les traits laryngaux (ex. : le voisement) ou que ceux de place. Mes rĂ©sultats montrent cependant que les traits de maniĂšre (ex. : [±continu]) sont impliquĂ©s dans les adaptations consonantiques aussi frĂ©quemment que les autres traits (ex. [±voisĂ©] et [±antĂ©rieur]). Par exemple, le /Z/ français est illicite Ă  l’initiale en anglais. Les options d’adaptation incluent /Z/ → [z] (changement de place), /Z/ → [S] (changement de voisement) et /Z/ → [dZ] (changement de maniĂšre). Contrairement aux prĂ©dictions des auteurs prĂ©citĂ©s, l’adaptation primaire en anglais est /Z/ → [dZ], avec changement de maniĂšre (ex. français [Zelatin] gĂ©latine → anglais [dZElƓtIn]). PlutĂŽt qu’une rĂ©sistance des traits de maniĂšre, les adaptations Ă©tudiĂ©es dans ma thĂšse font ressortir une nette tendance Ă  la simplification. Mon hypothĂšse est que les langues adaptent les consonnes Ă©trangĂšres en en Ă©liminant les complexitĂ©s. Donc un changement impliquant l’élimination plutĂŽt que l’insertion d’un trait marquĂ© sera prĂ©fĂ©rĂ©. Ma thĂšse innove aussi en montrant qu’une consonne est le plus souvent importĂ©e lorsque sa stratĂ©gie d’adaptation primaire implique l’insertion d’un trait marquĂ©. Les taux d’importation sont systĂ©matiquement Ă©levĂ©s pour les consonnes dont l’adaptation impliquerait l’insertion d’un tel trait (ici [+continu] ou [+voisĂ©]). Par exemple, /dZ/ en anglais, lorsque adaptĂ©, devient /Z/ en français aprĂšs l’insertion de [+continu]; cependant, l’importation de /dZ/ est de loin prĂ©fĂ©rĂ©e Ă  son adaptation (89%). En comparaison, /dZ/ est rarement importĂ© (10%) en germano-pennsylvanien (GP) parce que l’adaptation de /dZ/ Ă  [tS] (Ă©lision du trait marquĂ© [+voisĂ©]) est disponible, contrairement au cas du français. Cependant, le /t/ anglais Ă  l’initiale, lui, est majoritairement importĂ© (74%) en GP parce que son adaptation en /d/ impliquerait l’insertion du trait marquĂ© [+voisĂ©]. Ma thĂšse permet non seulement de mieux cerner la direction des adaptations, mais repĂšre aussi ce qui favorise fortement les importations sur la base d’une notion dĂ©jĂ  Ă©tablie en phonologie : la marque.A loanword is normally adapted to fit its foreign elements to the phonological system of the borrowing language (L1). Recently, some authors (e.g. Miao 2005; Steriade 2001b, 2009) have proposed that during the adaptation process of a second language (L2) consonant, manner features are more resistant to change than are non-manner features. A careful study of my data indicate that manner features (e.g. [±continuant]) are as likely to be involved in the adaptation process as are non-manner [±voice] and [±anterior]. For example, French /Z/ is usually not tolerated word-initially in English. Adaptation options include /Z/ → [z] (change of place), /Z/ → [S] (change of voicing) and /Z/ → [dZ] (change of manner). The primary adaptation in English is /Z/ → [dZ] (e.g. French [Zelatin] gĂ©latine → English [dZElƓtIn]) where manner is in fact the less resistant. Instead, during loanword adaptation there is a clear tendency towards unmarkedness. My hypothesis is that languages overwhelmingly adapt with the goal of eliminating the complexities of the L2; a change that involves deletion instead of insertion of a marked feature is preferred. Furthermore, my thesis shows for the first time that a consonant is statistically most likely to be imported if its preferred adaptation strategy involves insertion of a marked feature (e.g. [+continuant] or [+voice]). For example, the adaptation of English /dZ/ is /Z/ in French after insertion of marked [+continuant], but /dZ/ is overwhelmingly imported (89%), instead of adapted in French. I argue that this is to avoid the insertion of marked [+continuant]. This contrasts with Pennsylvania German (PG) where English /dZ/ is rarely imported (10%). This is because unlike in French, there is an option to adapt /dZ/ to /tS/ (deletion of marked [+voice]) in PG. However, English word-initial /t/ is heavily imported (74%), not adapted, in PG because adaptation to /d/ involves insertion of marked [+voice]. Not only does my thesis better determine the direction of adaptations but it also establishes the circumstances where L2 consonants are most likely to be imported instead of being adapted, on the basis of a well-known notion in phonology: markedness

    Diversity in African languages: Selected papers from the 46th Annual Conference on African Linguistics

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    Diversity in African Languages contains a selection of revised papers from the 46th Annual Conference on African Linguistics, held at the University of Oregon. Most chapters focus on single languages, addressing diverse aspects of their phonology, morphology, semantics, syntax, information structure, or historical development. These chapters represent nine different genera: Mande, Gur, Kwa, Edoid, Bantu, Nilotic, Gumuzic, Cushitic, and Omotic. Other chapters investigate a mix of languages and families, moving from typological issues to sociolinguistic and inter-ethnic factors that affect language and accent switching. Some chapters are primarily descriptive, while others push forward the theoretical understanding of tone, semantic problems, discourse related structures, and other linguistic systems. The papers on Bantu languages reflect something of the internal richness and continued fascination of the family for linguists, as well as maturation of research on the family. The distribution of other papers highlights the need for intensified research into all the language families of Africa, including basic documentation, in order to comprehend linguistic diversities and convergences across the continent. In this regard, the chapter on Daats’íin (Gumuzic) stands out as the first-ever published article on this hitherto unknown and endangered language found in the Ethiopian-Sudanese border lands
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