Smarter choices - changing the way we travel

Summary: In recent years, there has been growing interest in a range of initiatives, which are now widelydescribed as 'soft' transport policy measures. These seek to give better information and opportunities,aimed at helping people to choose to reduce their car use while enhancing the attractiveness ofalternatives. They are fairly new as part of mainstream transport policy, mostly relativelyuncontroversial, and often popular. They include:. Workplace and school travel plans;. Personalised travel planning, travel awareness campaigns, and public transport information andmarketing;. Car clubs and car sharing schemes;. Teleworking, teleconferencing and home shopping.This report draws on earlier studies of the impact of soft measures, new evidence from the UK andabroad, case study interviews relating to 24 specific initiatives, and the experience of commercial,public and voluntary stakeholders involved in organising such schemes. Each of the soft factors isanalysed separately, followed by an assessment of their combined potential impact.The assessment focuses on two different policy scenarios for the next ten years. The 'high intensity'scenario identifies the potential provided by a significant expansion of activity to a much morewidespread implementation of present good practice, albeit to a realistic level which still recognisesthe constraints of money and other resources, and variation in the suitability and effectiveness of softfactors according to local circumstances. The 'low intensity' scenario is broadly defined as aprojection of the present (2003-4) levels of local and national activity on soft measures.The main features of the high intensity scenario would be. A reduction in peak period urban traffic of about 21% (off-peak 13%);. A reduction of peak period non-urban traffic of about 14% (off-peak 7%);. A nationwide reduction in all traffic of about 11%.These projected changes in traffic levels are quite large (though consistent with other evidence onbehavioural change at the individual level), and would produce substantial reductions in congestion.However, this would tend to attract more car use, by other people, which could offset the impact ofthose who reduce their car use unless there are measures in place to prevent this. Therefore, thoseexperienced in the implementation of soft factors locally usually emphasise that success depends onsome or all of such supportive policies as re-allocation of road capacity and other measures toimprove public transport service levels, parking control, traffic calming, pedestrianisation, cyclenetworks, congestion charging or other traffic restraint, other use of transport prices and fares, speedregulation, or stronger legal enforcement levels. The report also records a number of suggestionsabout local and national policy measures that could facilitate the expansion of soft measures.The effects of the low intensity scenario, in which soft factors are not given increased policy prioritycompared with present practice, are estimated to be considerably less than those of the high intensityscenario, including a reduction in peak period urban traffic of about 5%, and a nationwide reductionin all traffic of 2%-3%. These smaller figures also assume that sufficient other supporting policies areused to prevent induced traffic from eroding the effects, notably at peak periods and in congestedconditions. Without these supportive measures, the effects could be lower, temporary, and perhapsinvisible.Previous advice given by the Department for Transport in relation to multi-modal studies was that softfactors might achieve a nationwide traffic reduction of about 5%. The policy assumptionsunderpinning this advice were similar to those used in our low intensity scenario: our estimate isslightly less, but the difference is probably within the range of error of such projections.The public expenditure cost of achieving reduced car use by soft measures, on average, is estimated atabout 1.5 pence per car kilometre, i.e. £15 for removing each 1000 vehicle kilometres of traffic.Current official practice calculates the benefit of reduced traffic congestion, on average, to be about15p per car kilometre removed, and more than three times this level in congested urban conditions.Thus every £1 spent on well-designed soft measures could bring about £10 of benefit in reducedcongestion alone, more in the most congested conditions, and with further potential gains fromenvironmental improvements and other effects, provided that the tendency of induced traffic to erodesuch benefits is controlled. There are also opportunities for private business expenditure on some softmeasures, which can result in offsetting cost savings.Much of the experience of implementing soft factors is recent, and the evidence is of variable quality.Therefore, there are inevitably uncertainties in the results. With this caveat, the main conclusion isthat, provided they are implemented within a supportive policy context, soft measures can besufficiently effective in facilitating choices to reduce car use, and offer sufficiently good value formoney, that they merit serious consideration for an expanded role in local and national transportstrategy.AcknowledgementsWe gratefully acknowledge the many contributions made by organisations and individuals consultedas part of the research, and by the authors of previous studies and literature reviews which we havecited. Specific acknowledgements are given at the end of each chapter.We have made extensive use of our own previous work including research by Lynn Sloman funded bythe Royal Commission for the Exhibition of 1851 on the traffic impact of soft factors and localtransport schemes (in part previously published as 'Less Traffic Where People Live'); and by SallyCairns and Phil Goodwin as part of the research programme of TSU supported by the Economic andSocial Research Council, and particularly research on school and workplace travel plans funded bythe DfT (and managed by Transport 2000 Trust), on car dependence funded by the RAC Foundation,on travel demand analysis funded by DfT and its predecessors, and on home shopping funded byEUCAR. Case studies to accompany this report are available at: http://eprints.ucl.ac.uk/archive/00001233

Promoting physical activity in the workplace: a stage of change approach

Regular physical activity is associated with improved physiological and psychological wellbeing, by reducing the risk of chronic illnesses such as cardiovascular disease, cancer, obesity, diabetes, osteoporosis and depression. There is a common perception that physical activity levels in the population are declining, and one of the biggest changes affecting this is occupational based activity. Since adults spend on average over 50% of their waking hours at work, work sites have the potential to be an important setting for health promotion initiatives. Cognitions and behaviours are key causal factors behind many of today s most widespread health problems and illnesses. The stage of change model has been highlighted as having intuitive appeal because it considers the dynamic nature of attitudes and behaviour change. This thesis is concerned with the application of the stage of change model to an occupational health intervention promoting physical activity. Several research studies were undertaken to explore the experiences of employees with workplace health initiatives and investigate the strategies and practices used by occupational health to promote healthy behaviours. These research studies highlighted the barriers and facilitators to successful health interventions and contributed towards the design, development and implementation of an activity promotion intervention. Additional research was also conducted to develop information materials based on the stage of change model. The stage approach was simplified and intervention materials were classified based on whether employees were thinking about making a change or not thinking about making a change to their activity levels. In order to test the materials, a twelve month intervention was implemented in ten work sites across the UK that were allocated to one of three groups. Two groups received information materials and one group received no information during the intervention period (control group). The difference between the two groups who received information was that one group received standard activity promotion information (standard group) and the second group received tailored information based on their stage of change construct (staged group). Participants in the staged intervention group demonstrated significant decreases in body mass index, fat percentage, waist circumference, blood pressure and resting heart rate following the twelve month intervention. In contrast, reductions were identified for the standard intervention group for waist circumference and diastolic blood pressure. Finally, there were no long-term significant improvements identified for the control group. However, group comparisons revealed there were no significant differences between the intervention conditions. The intervention also recorded self-reported psychological outcomes, which demonstrated variations throughout the intervention period for all groups. The potential reasons for these inconsistent outcomes are discussed. A process evaluation following the intervention demonstrated employees valued the health screenings and identified issues relating to knowledge, behaviour change and health implications that were important outputs of the intervention. Based on these findings, the research concludes there is scope to make physical activity interventions in the workplace more effective by applying the stage of change approach. Using the process of simplifying the stages and focusing on whether employees want to change their behaviours or not allows occupational health to deliver information that could be more meaningful and have a significant impact on behaviour change. By understanding employees readiness to change their activity behaviours and targeting information based on their beliefs, attitudes and intentions to change may produce significant improvements in health outcome measures compared to standard information. The results also suggest there is potential for this type of tailored intervention to be extended to other occupational health issues

New solutions in sustainable commuting : the attitudes and experience of European stakeholders and experts in Switzerland

New technologies and services can support sustainable mobility if they are successfully integrated into the given mobility system. Decision-makers play a decisive role as ‘enablers’ for such commodities. To find out how a transformation towards sustainable commuting can be forced by implementing innovative solutions like carsharing, Mobility as a Service, or autonomous vehicles, relevant stakeholders were identified for three European case studies. Their perspectives and openness towards trends and new solutions were researched in an online survey. In addition, five expert interviews and two workshops in Switzerland deepened the understanding of how new mobility services could be incorporated into companies through mobility management. Results reflect a strong distinction of stakeholders by their national borders and responsibilities. As new mobility technologies and solutions require collaboration, the acts of supporting strong cross-border and cross-disciplinary cooperation, as well as developing joint interests and work processes beyond traditional ones, are suggested as important starting points. The study reveals a high openness of important stakeholders towards new mobility services and discusses the experience of experts in company mobility management

Making motherhood work

Motherhood can be a critical moment in the making of gendered biographies, and in the negotiation of a gendered division of labour within a household. This paper draws on the 'Making of Modern Motherhoods' study, which combined interviews with a diverse group of expectant first time mothers and family case studies in order to build an intergenerational and longitudinal perspective on contemporary mothering situations within the UK. In this paper, the category 'work' is used as a lens through which to encounter new motherhood. After contextualising working motherhood in relation to a sociological literature the paper draws on interviews undertaken with women towards the end of their pregnancy with their first child to reveal something of the emergent collision of working and maternal identities, women's experiences of being pregnant at work including the anticipation and managing of maternity leave. The second part presents a case study, which animates the personal drama involved in reconciling working and maternal commitments, tracing how a woman's feelings about work change over time in negotiation with partner, family and the market. As Sue Sharpe observed in her 1984 book on working mothers, 'full-time mothering has never been accessible to all women in the same way at the same time' (1984: 22). Social class, locality and migration shape a range of cultures of mothering within which work features very differently. Divisions exist between women who share a generational location as well as between women of different generations. This complexity is revealed through a juxtaposition of the voices of mothers and grandmothers, which show how work may both, divide and unite women in the project of motherhood