Lambek vs. Lambek: Functorial Vector Space Semantics and String Diagrams for Lambek Calculus

The Distributional Compositional Categorical (DisCoCat) model is a mathematical framework that provides compositional semantics for meanings of natural language sentences. It consists of a computational procedure for constructing meanings of sentences, given their grammatical structure in terms of compositional type-logic, and given the empirically derived meanings of their words. For the particular case that the meaning of words is modelled within a distributional vector space model, its experimental predictions, derived from real large scale data, have outperformed other empirically validated methods that could build vectors for a full sentence. This success can be attributed to a conceptually motivated mathematical underpinning, by integrating qualitative compositional type-logic and quantitative modelling of meaning within a category-theoretic mathematical framework. The type-logic used in the DisCoCat model is Lambek's pregroup grammar. Pregroup types form a posetal compact closed category, which can be passed, in a functorial manner, on to the compact closed structure of vector spaces, linear maps and tensor product. The diagrammatic versions of the equational reasoning in compact closed categories can be interpreted as the flow of word meanings within sentences. Pregroups simplify Lambek's previous type-logic, the Lambek calculus, which has been extensively used to formalise and reason about various linguistic phenomena. The apparent reliance of the DisCoCat on pregroups has been seen as a shortcoming. This paper addresses this concern, by pointing out that one may as well realise a functorial passage from the original type-logic of Lambek, a monoidal bi-closed category, to vector spaces, or to any other model of meaning organised within a monoidal bi-closed category. The corresponding string diagram calculus, due to Baez and Stay, now depicts the flow of word meanings.Comment: 29 pages, pending publication in Annals of Pure and Applied Logi

Mathematical Foundations for a Compositional Distributional Model of Meaning

We propose a mathematical framework for a unification of the distributional theory of meaning in terms of vector space models, and a compositional theory for grammatical types, for which we rely on the algebra of Pregroups, introduced by Lambek. This mathematical framework enables us to compute the meaning of a well-typed sentence from the meanings of its constituents. Concretely, the type reductions of Pregroups are `lifted' to morphisms in a category, a procedure that transforms meanings of constituents into a meaning of the (well-typed) whole. Importantly, meanings of whole sentences live in a single space, independent of the grammatical structure of the sentence. Hence the inner-product can be used to compare meanings of arbitrary sentences, as it is for comparing the meanings of words in the distributional model. The mathematical structure we employ admits a purely diagrammatic calculus which exposes how the information flows between the words in a sentence in order to make up the meaning of the whole sentence. A variation of our `categorical model' which involves constraining the scalars of the vector spaces to the semiring of Booleans results in a Montague-style Boolean-valued semantics.Comment: to appea

On Pregroups, Freedom, and (Virtual) Conceptual Necessity

Pregroups were introduced in (Lambek, 1999), and provide a founda-tion for a particularly simple syntactic calculus. Buszkowski (2001) showed that free pregroup grammars generate exactly the -free context-free lan-guages. Here we characterize the class of languages generable by all pre-groups, which will be shown to be the entire class of recursively enumerable languages. To show this result, we rely on the well-known representation of recursively enumerable languages as the homomorphic image of the inter-section of two context-free languages (Ginsburg et al., 1967). We define an operation of cross-product over grammars (so-called because of its behaviour on the types), and show that the cross-product of any two free-pregroup grammars generates exactly the intersection of their respective languages. The representation theorem applies once we show that allowing ‘empty cat-egories ’ (i.e. lexical items without overt phonological content) allows us to mimic the effects of any string homomorphism.